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71 Words for 71 years (and beyond ) كلمه ل71 عاما و ما بعد

 
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71 كلمه ل 71 عاما و ما بعد
بين عمر ال17 , عندما قررت ان اترك خلفي منحة دراسيه من الجامعه الأميركيه في بيروت لألتحق بحلم الثوار, و عمر ال 71 التي أودعها الأن, اعمارا طويله عشتها امتدت لتشمل مختلف أصقاع الأرض الجغرافيه و الثقافيه….من سومر وأكاد و بابل وأشور و الفراعنه, وافلاطون وأرسطو و ابن رشد الى اوغاريت و كنعان و ملاحم جلجلمش وغيره…من ثقافة كتاب كبار ك دوستويفسكي و غوركي و ملفل و هافل الى شكسبير و كونراد و طه حسين و جبرا و السياب و نازك الملائكه…..احمل عمر كل هؤلاء وأضعافهم في القلب و العقل. بهم كبرت, و بثقافتهم انتشيت, و بعمارتهم اندهشت, و بشعرهم لملمت ومضات الشروق للغد الجميل….. بين ذاك العمر اليافع واحلامه , وهذا العمر الناضج واليافع ابدا, ما زالت اعمدة حياتي شاهقه و مورده تقاوم التهميش والاحتلال وبقاء المستعمرين بكل اشكالهم وتحوراتهم الأكاديميه و السياسيه والجندريه التمييزيه والثقافيه ….و الى 17 عاما اخرى تنتظرني في الأفق.
71 words for 71 years (and beyond ).
Between the age of 17, when I decided to leave behind a scholarship from the American University of Beirut ِAUB, to join the dream of the revolutionaries, and at the age of 71, that I am now depositing, the long ages I have lived had extended to various geographical and cultural parts of this planet: the Earth…. From Somer, Akkad, Babylon, Ashur and the Pharaohs, to Ugarit, Canaan and The Epics of Gilgamesh:::. From the culture of great writers: Plato, Aristotle, Averrroes (Ibn Rushd). Dostoevsky, Gorky, Melville and Havel to Shakespeare, Conrad, Taha Hussein, Jabra, al-Sayyab and Nazek al-Malaika….. I chewed, digested and absorbed all the ages of these men and women, and fold them in my heart and mind. I grew up, with their culture, their amazing architecture. With their heritage I grew, with their poetry, epics, monuments and literature I drew the flashes of the rays of my promised tomorrow. Between my young age then and the mature age of nowadays, the pillars of my life are still towering & flowering, resisting marginalization, occupation and all the colonialists’ forms-in: politics, gender discrimination, literature, and academy. Looking forward for another 17 youthful years, full of hope and love awaiting for me on the horizon.

Lubyans protested against the attack on their ancestor’s graveyard تـظـاهـرة فـي “لـوبـيـة” الـمهـجـرة تنديدًا بالأعتداء على مقبرة القرية

https://www.janobiyat.com/news67280/

تـظـاهـرة فـي “لـوبـيـة” الـمهـجـرة
تنديدًا باالعتداء على مقبرة القرية

demo in Lubya

اهم الخرائط التي تتحدث عن التاريخ الشفوي الفلسطيني حيث يوجد مئات مقاطع فيديو بالمئات مرتبطة بمواقع متعدده على امتداد فلسطين , يتحدث فيها أناس كثر وكبار في السن عن بلداتهم وقراهم

American University of Beirut-Oral History Archives.

يشمل األرشيف أكثر من 1000 ساعة من المقابلات 

https://www.aub.edu.lb/ifi/Pages/poha.aspx

Click to access 20171012_archiving_palestinian_oral_history_arabic.pdf

https://libraries.aub.edu.lb/poha-viewer/map/ar/?fbclid=IwAR3lzCUV6OwCNnNmlUL_SL61wSQZV5_1qWu5Hmu2pb4j1XeiFidwiKwVyUc

د. محمد مرقطن – صدور دراسة جديدة بعنوان ” حول عبادة الإله رحمنان/الرحمن في اليمن قبل الإسلام: دراسة في ضوء النقوش اليمنية القديمة” ، فصل في كتاب لغات الخطاب الديني

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1DGXh6xjg8_S-W0BhAHAN1oyWui5aHdfA/view?fbclid=IwAR0khpwY1_V5wZ5w6F0V6-geupeN24Dgj271xetxSXIQ5Rqfcef6WvOBuTk

خالد ابي خالد

خالد ابي خالد, اسم على مسمى , شاعر الثوره ورافع راياتها قولا و فعلا, ابن ثائر في ثورة القسام, ابن سيلة الظهر, الرسام الذي تزين لوحاته جدران بيته في المزه, كما تزين دواوينه الشعريه رفوف مكتبته, يغادرنا على عجل للألتحاق بوالده و بأحبته الذين دفعوا حياتهم ثمنا لحلم عودتهم الى بلاد كانت تسمى فلسطين, صارت تسمى فلسطين.

Desmond Tutu, the Great Friend of Palestinians who was shocked to see another worse version of Apartheid in Palestine, the last great hero of the struggle against the repressive, racist apartheid regime, is laid to rest..

Desmond Tutu’s daughter Mpho Tutu addresses attendees during

the state funeral in Cape Town..

. Photograph: Nic Bothma/EPA

“Today, we Black people, 79% of South Africa’s population, own 4% of agricultural land, while white South Africans, 9% of the population, own 72% of agricultural landIn 2014, Oxfam reported, two white men – Johann Rupert and Nicky Oppenheimer – owned as much wealth as the bottom half of the population. The 74% youth unemployment rate – concentrated among Black “born frees” – is the world’s highest”.

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/dec/31/white-south-africa-ubuntu-african-tutu

 

Asma Khader: an internationally recognized advocate for women rights, died on 20 dec.

 

Credit…Khalil Mazraawi/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

AMMAN, Jordan — Asma Khader, an internationally recognized advocate for human rights and one of Jordan’s leading campaigners for the rights of women and girls, especially the victims of domestic violence, died here on Dec. 20. She was 69.

The cause was pancreatic cancer, her brother Munir Khader said.

Mrs. Khader (pronounced KAH-der) fought to improve the lives of Jordanians from both the inside and the outside. After years as an active member of the opposition, she joined the government and continued to press for greater rights for women and a more open press.

But mainly she threw her energy into nongovernmental organizations. She established the Solidarity is Global Institute in Jordan in 1998 to provide women with legal services and educational programs, and to lead campaigns for legislative and policy reforms. She served as the institute’s executive director until her recent illness.

It was one of many such groups she started, led or advised, including the Mizan Law Group for Human Rights and the Jordanian branch of the International Commission of Jurists, a global rights organization.

 

Mrs. Khader, along with other female activists, organized support, did research and lobbied lawmakers in an attempt to protect human rights in Jordan by revising the country’s penal code. That work led to the abolition of a law that had allowed rapists to avoid punishment by marrying their victims. More recently, Solidarity Is Global advocated the suspension of capital punishment in Jordan.

She also had a political career. She was appointed government spokesperson in 2003 — she was the first woman to hold that job — and then was minister of culture and, more recently, a senator. As spokesperson, she held weekly news conferences open to all and gave licenses to independent media organizations. She pushed for the state to provide shelters for women who were victims of violence, and for a law allowing working women to add their families to their health insurance.

In her human rights work, Mrs. Khader frequently traveled to Europe and the United States to speak at forums. She was also associated with several international organizations, including the Women’s Learning Partnership, a network of international women’s advocacy groups based in Bethesda, Md. She was one of three legal experts appointed in 2011 to the United Nations International Commission of Inquiry investigating human rights violations in Libya.

But her main focus was Jordan, especially its women.

“After a long struggle with domestic violence, the existing laws need to change to help women instead of only punishing the perpetrators,” Mrs. Khader said during an interview in 2010 with the Women’s Learning Partnership.

She pushed for an end to child marriage, although her campaign to end a frequently used exemption from the legal marriage age of 18 for women ultimately failed. She also pushed, successfully, for legal and financial assistance to female victims of violence.

 

Jordan has long been a steadfast ally of Western countries. But the status of women — their treatment in the labor force, access to good medical care and participation in politics — has deteriorated in recent years, although Jordanian women have made gains in education. A country where conservative tribes are often the backbone of government authority, Jordan has sat near the bottom of the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report for the past decade.

Nearly 11,000 girls under 18 were married off by their parents in 2017 alone, according to Mrs. Khader, often in refugee camps and marginalized communities. Amid high unemployment, marrying off a daughter is seen as a way to lessen the financial burden on the head of the household. Rates of physical, sexual or emotional abuse of women between 15 and 49 are also high.

“Asma remained focused on making sure other women, especially those from underserved and refugee communities, could access skills training, learning and economic opportunities,” the Women’s Learning Partnership said in a statement.

Asma Hanna Khader was born on Jan. 25, 1952, in Zababida, a town in the West Bank, which at the time was under Jordanian rule. Her father, Hanna, was a translator for the Jordanian Armed Forces. Her mother, Martha, owned a clothing shop in Amman. Asma attended school in the city and worked in her mother’s store.


Mrs. Khader earned her undergraduate law degree from the University of Damascus in 1977. She established her own legal office in 1984 and was one of Jordan’s few practicing female lawyers.

In Jordan, Mrs. Khader experienced life under martial law, imposed by King Hussein after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war. The law banned political parties and large public meetings, and gave the government broad powers to restrict freedom of speech and the press and to try ordinary criminal cases in military courts.

Mrs. Khader joined the male-dominated opposition movement, becoming a vocal political activist despite the risk of detention. She also represented political prisoners.

 

“At the time, young women considered her an icon, and I saw many who wanted to be like her,” the writer Basem Sakijha said in a recent column in Ammon News, an online news outlet.

Along with her brother Munir, Mrs. Khader is survived by her husband, Adel Daibes, a lawyer whom she married in 1977; another brother, Samir; two sisters, Basma and Sawsan; four children, Osama, Ruba, Hanan and Farah; and four grandchildren.

“She was always a fighter and never took a day off from work,” Majida Ashour, a journalist and a friend of Mrs. Khader’s, said. “She never wanted people to see her defeated, even when she was dying, because her strength, the way she fought, was an inspiration to so many people.”

A comment on Salam Ibrahim’s novel: “al-Hayat Lahtha”-الحياة لحظه

 

507 pages, with a series of episodes ranging from Bagdad, Kurdistan, Iran, Turkey to Mosko, Kiev, Copenhagen, and Stockholm, Salam Ibrahim took us on a long multilayers journey that covers the lives of a series of personalities that ended with the last sentence of the novel: Life is only a moment, life is a bubble, take a photo of it before it exploded. Dostoevsky and Chekov’s characters were personified in Shairko, Salamim Mahmoud, and many other friends whom Ibrahim met in his long journey from his birthplace al-Diwaniyyi to all the places he visited: prisons, mountains, bars, cities, women of all kinds, and unfulfilled dreams. A journey that went deep in “Naffar”, the capital of the Sumerians to nowadays Iraq. Salam’s characters were so vivid, lively, rude, strange, modest, sympathetic…and you can imagine a dozen more qualities for human contradictions that only Shakespeare could depict this hollowness of the bubble of life.          

After 73 years: More documentation of horrible massacres were revealed by Adam Raz-Haartz, including the killing of an old woman in LUBYA

وثائق تاريخية إسرائيلية: تفاصيل مروعة عن مذابح صهيونية في قرى فلسطينية- (صور)

 

My comment: Our fathers & mothers have already told us that- 73 years ago. 

2.

https://www.al-ayyam.ps/ar_page.php?id=14fb41fcy352010748Y14fb41fc

Ailout Massacre rememberred after 73 years (Arabic & Danish)-Importance of Oral History

عيلوط.. نهضت من رماد النكبة وتضاعف تعدادها عشر مرات

 

 

 

  1. november – 2021
 
 1
 skriftstørrelse

 

Nazareth – “Arabisk Jerusalem”: Ailout er en af ​​de palæstinensiske landsbyer i distriktet Nazareth inden for de 48 lande, og den symboliserer blandt sine symboler palæstinensernes overlevelse i det indre på deres jord trods angribernes tyranni.

Ailout, en sand historie om den palæstinensiske Føniks opståen fra asken, da det katastrofale jordskælv i 1948, dets mænd havde dræbt en tredjedel af dem i to zionistiske massakrer, en tredjedel af dem blev fordrevet, og en tredjedel overlevede og forblev i fædrelandet. Deir Yassin-massakren har måske været den mest fremtrædende blandt de zionistiske massakrer, men det, der skete i landsbyen Ilut (Nazareth-distriktet), for at nævne nogle få, er ikke mindre forfærdeligt og brutalt.

Det var vidne til tre massakrer, hvor en tredjedel af dets mænd blev dræbt, den anden tredjedel deserterede, og den tredje blev tilbage

Næsten to måneder efter erklæringen om oprettelsen af ​​Israel overgav byen Nazareth og derefter byen Saffuriyya sig i juli 1948. En styrke fra hæren af ​​de nye angribere besatte området og gik ind i nabolandsbyen Ilut og kidnappede tretten mænd fra landsbyen. Befolkningen i landsbyen troede, at de havde taget fanger, og ingen kendte deres skæbne på det tidspunkt. Inden aftenen beordrede den israelske hær befolkningen i landsbyen til at forlade deres landsby og truede dem med at dræbe enhver, der overtrådte ordrerne og forblev i hans hjem.Men landsbyboerne nægtede at være hjemløse og at være flygtninge i byer og landsbyer, så de besluttede at vende tilbage til deres hjem efter dage forenet af frygt og terror.

FN’s manglende dag

Og om det, der skete senere, fortalte Hajj Khaled Al-Saleh Abu Al-Walid (86 år gammel) os: “Om morgenen den 21. juli 1948 vågnede folk op ved, at en mand råbte på højtryk, at alle beboere skulle forlade deres hjem og samles på landsbyens torv, og dens gader var fulde af hærbiler, så de spredte rædsel og frygt i sjælene.

Ifølge hans historiske beretning begyndte mændene at gå ned til landsbyens plads, og hæren delte dem i to dele, den første nær moskeen og den anden på landsbyens bugter. Kvinderne og børnene blev stuvet sammen i gården til et hus i centrum af landsbyen, så der herskede panik i scenen, da kvindernes jamren blandede sig med børns gråd og skrig, som Abu al-Walid bemærker. betjente gik ind og tog soldaterne ud, som havde taget nogle ringe, armbånd og smykker fra nogle af kvinderne.”

Og om det, der skete med ham og hans familie, sagde han: “Jeg krøb gennem en af ​​gyderne for at tjekke min far, som nægtede at gå ned til vejen og foretrak at blive hjemme, idet han sagde: Hvis de vil slå mig ihjel. , lad dem dræbe mig her… På vejen nærmede jeg mig gruppen, der stod på Bayader-pladsen, og hvis kuglerne dræbte to mænd (Saleh Saeed Abu Ras). og Taha Abu Ayyash), og to sårede mænd faldt til jorden, mens de var uden tøj .

Trods forløbet af 73 år forlod det frygtelige syn ikke vidnets hukommelse den dag i dag: “Så kørte de gruppen til moskeens plads og tvang mændene til at stille op på én firkant. Alle mændene stod i kø foran soldaterne, og en af ​​disse soldater holdt et stykke papir i hånden med listen over eftersøgte. Med hensyn til den, der var fraværende i det øjeblik, blev han erstattet af en anden person. Han påpegede, at efter det beordrede de de resterende mænd til at forlade landsbyen inden for en time, sammen med kvinderne og børnene.

Abu Al-Walid tændte sin “arabiske” cigaret og pustede dens røg ud, som om han udstødte sine dybtliggende smerter i mere end syv årtier og mindedes marchen af ​​”Al-Hajij,” siger han og tilføjer: “Så snart som vi forlod landsbyen, og inden vi mistede overblikket, sprængte vi tre huse i luften, og vi følte, at himlen næsten dækkede os for eksplosionens kraft.” “.

Hajj Khaled Al-Saleh Abu Al-Walid

første katastrofe

Med hensyn til massakren begået af Haganah-styrkerne samme dag, som to overlevende var vidne til, sagde Abu al-Walid: “På et sted en halv kilometer fra mosképladsen mod vest standsede fangernes køretøjer, og soldaterne valgte 24 mænd, som lossede dem fra bilerne og beordrede dem til at sidde på jorden. På mindre end et minut, og med et signal fra en af ​​betjentene, var et maskingevær ved at høste dem, og de blev dræbt. Og skæbnen besluttede, at to af dem, som ikke blev dødeligt såret, skulle rejse sig, nemlig Khader Ali Abu Ras og Muhammad Mustafa al-Mamour, der lod som om de var døde, derefter rejste sig og flygtede, mens resten blev taget til fange.

Fangerne slap ikke for drabet, da en af ​​hærens biler bevidst trampede på afdøde Muflih Hassan Mahmoud og dræbte ham. Den dag spredte nyheden sig blandt folk med lynets hast, jamren og jamren steg i alle huse og gader, og intet hus blev skånet for katastrofen. Efter at soldaterne var flyttet væk, samlede kvinderne de dødes kroppe og anbragte dem i moskeen, og dagen efter blev de begravet.”

Aylout gennem historien

Muhammad Amin Bishr, forfatteren til bogen “Illut gennem historien,” fortæller om den massakre ifølge mundtlige vidnesbyrd, han indsamlede fra øjenvidner ud over den israelske hærs arkiver. I Golani Brigade, landsbyen Aylout, blev angrebet var på to akser. Efter at de havde fuldført belejringen af ​​landsbyen, gennemsøgte de husene for våben. De fandt en række våben inde i husene, og de sprængte dem i luften med dynamit. Dette er landsbyens borgmester, Hassan Muhammad Al-Ahmad, Sari’s hjem. Abu Ayyash, Abdel Halim Abu Ayyash og Salim Abu Ayyash. Derefter samlede de beboerne midt i landsbyen nær moskeen og satte kvinderne i gården til Abdel Karim Al-Wakeds hus og mændene i gården til Muhammad Al-Younis hus.”

khawaja brise

Ifølge Bishr steg enhedschefen “Al-Khawaja Naseem” ud af bilen og tog et papir op af lommen og læste flere navne på folk fra byen, men ingen svarede og spurgte, hvem der arbejdede i olien. raffinaderier i Haifa, “raffinaderiet.” To personer, Nayef Hussein Al-Salti og Saleh Muhammad Fashir, svarede dem. For at sidde hver for sig, del derefter mændene i to hold i henhold til instruktionerne fra kommandanten. Det første hold blev placeret i militærkøretøjer og fragtet til koncentrationslejrene, og det andet hold, med de to mænd, blev taget til fods foran skinnerne. Med hensyn til den forfærdelige scene matcher Bishr Abu Tahas beretning: “Kvinderne skreg og græd og bad kommandanten om at løslade dem. Kommandøren svarede: “Der er intet. I stedet blokerer nogle sten militærkøretøjernes vej og skal fjernes.”

Og snart flyttede den israelske kommandant fra bluffet til den direkte trussel: “Alle beboere skal forlade landsbyen og gå til nabolandet Kfarmanda, og den, der bryder ordren, vil blive skudt.”

Ifølge Bishrs undersøgelse forlod enheden landsbyen med mændene, og da den ankom i en afstand af to hundrede meter fra sine hjem nær olivenlunden, holdt militærenheden op med at gå, og efter ordre fra kommandanten stillede mændene sig i kø i én række, så “Khawaja Naseem”-køretøjet kom frem og rettede sit maskingevær mod mændene og ventede et øjeblik, mens de ventede på ordrer. Det var et kort øjeblik, hvorefter høstprocessen fandt sted.”

Bishr fortsætter i sin bog, “Efter at de israelske styrker havde afsluttet deres operationer og flyttet væk fra landsbyens grænser, gik kvinderne ud til stederne for massakrerne, og ligene blev samlet i poser og transporteret på dyrene til moskeens gårdhave, derefter begravet i den tilstødende landsby. Det var angriberne ikke tilfredse med, og ifølge hvad Bishr bekræftede, vendte de israelske styrker to uger efter massakrerne tilbage til Illut med en jødisk mand ved navn Iskandar Shoshani, som arbejdede som vagt i buskene, så de omringede landsbyen og begyndte plyndring, såsom bibokse, heste, skabe, skolebænke og køer. Derefter blev indbyggerne i landsbyen udvist som flygtninge til klostrene i Nazareth og nogle af dens kvarterer, hvilket kun efterlod otte ældre mennesker der.”

anden katastrofe

Således sluttede en side af blindt had og ulykker, som denne landsby ikke har været vidne til gennem tiderne, og efter den paniktilstand, der ramte befolkningen, de fleste af dem kvinder og børn, forlod folket landsbyen og søgte tilflugt i klostrene i Nazareth , især klostret Abu al-Yatama, og nogle af dem boede i private hjem hos fordrevne flygtninge. Men katastrofen sluttede ikke der. En uge senere gik israelske soldater ind i landsbyen igen og arresterede de mænd, der var vendt tilbage for at tage nogle fornødenheder fra deres hjem. De kidnappede tyve mænd og førte dem til bosættelsen “Beit Lehem.” Efter at de var blevet udsat for ydmygelse og ydmygelse i et par dage, løslod de dem, bortset fra tre mænd: afdøde Awad Ali Abu Ras, afdøde Salim Muhammad Abu Ras og afdøde Ali Aouda Aboud, der dræbte dem, og stedet deres grave kendes endnu ikke.

Den tredje katastrofe

Tragedien i Illout sluttede ikke der, da dens familie sørgede igen. Haj Sabri Ali Abu Ras (86) fortalte os: “To uger efter den første katastrofe fandt en hyrde 13 døde kroppe og menneskeskeletter i en skov mellem Saffuriyya og Illut . Han tilføjede: “Så skyndte folk sig og genkendte deres døde, som var blevet fanget den 7/10/1948. Hver enkelt bar sin bror eller søn for at begrave ham, og hvilket forfærdeligt syn, jeg var vidne til alt dette for mig selv, især scenen af Hassan Abboud, der bærer sine to unge sønner i sin kappe, og de er nærmest skeletter. Således dræbte de dem med koldt blod og efterlod dem føde til fugle og dyr. Selv kvinderne blev ikke sparet for deres ondskab.En af soldaterne skød og dræbte fru Diba Muhammad al-Hamad, som var på vej fra Ilut til Nazareth. Således havde hun sluttet sig til sin mand, Taha Khalil Abu Ayyash, som blev dræbt på landsbyens plads den 21.7.1948.

Tre på hinanden følgende massakrer

Dette er træk ved Aylout-katastrofen, som mistede 48 mænd inden for to måneder i tre på hinanden følgende massakrer og i separate drab, og med dem mistede de fleste af de lande, der var dens eneste levevej. I løbet af denne periode bragte hæren alle stammerne, der beboede Illut-landene, og resten af ​​befolkningen i Saffuriyya og bosatte dem i Illut. Befolkningen i Aylout blev i Nazareth i tre år, hvorefter de vendte tilbage til deres landsby for at bygge den igen. Hvad angår de fordrevne, bor de nu i Syrien, Jordan og verden.

Ifølge data fra lederen af ​​lokalrådet, Ibrahim Abu Ras, fandt massakrerne sted på en tredjedel af landsbyens mænd, mens den tredje blev forladt og efterlod kun en tredjedel. “Måske er vi trøstede af, at byen levede og forblev trods de afskyelige drab, takket være beboernes insisteren på gentagne forsøg på at vende tilbage til deres hjem, indtil det lykkedes. Efter at landsbyen talte et par hundrede, er det nu omkring 12 tusinde mennesker.”

مجزرتا خان يونس ورفح: إسرائيل تدفن توثيق جرائمها بالأرشيفات

مجزرتا خان يونس ورفح: إسرائيل تدفن توثيق جرائمها بالأرشيفات

https://www.palestinechronicle.com/khan-yunis-rememberingthe-forgotten-palestinian-massacre/?fbclid=IwAR391_W6SaQFTJf7LijQSlehLVytXCQPpcisVyeLCJWQJkshbTGwk4fSF3I
 

حاولت إسرائيل التعتيم على جرائم الحرب التي ارتكبتها في قطاع غزة، بعد احتلالها لفترة قصيرة خلال العدوان الثلاثي على مصر في العام 1956. ويدعم هذا التعتيم على الجرائم، فرضُ إسرائيل “سرية مشددة على توثيق تاريخي تناول جرائم حرب منذ قيامها وحتى اليوم”، وفق ما كتب الباحث في معهد “عكيفوت” لدراسة الصراع الإسرائيلي – الفلسطيني، المؤرخ آدم راز، في صحيفة “هآرتس” اليوم، الجمعة.

وبحسب موقع “عرب 48” وثق الأديب الإسرائيلي، ماتي ميغيد، بقصة قصيرة نشرها في صحيفة “لَمِرحاف” الجرائم التي شملت مجازر واغتصاب، ارتكبها جنود إسرائيليون في قطاع غزة، تحت أنظار حاكمها العسكري، الذي أشار إليه ميغيد بالحرف “د”. وكان عنوان القصة “نهاية السيد ’د’ المريرة”.

وكتب ميغيد أن اغتصاب الجنود الإسرائيليين للنساء الغزيات تكرر، وأن أحد الجنود قال لزميله: “كان ينبغي أن ترى ماذا حدث هنا أمس… هؤلاء العرب (قالها بصيغة استهزاء)، بعد أن أخذنا نساءهم إلى العمل، بدأوا يشاغبون. فماذا فعلنا؟ أخذنا عدة نساء، من الشابات إلى أحد البيوت، وهددناهم بأنه إذا لم يتوقفن، فسوف نغتصبهن جميعا أمام أنظاره جميعهن… هل تعتقد أنه كان لهذا تأثير؟ كان له تأثير طبعا… لكنه لم يؤثر علينا بألا نفعل ما وعدنا به، رغم أنهم توقفوا عن الشغب… واحتجزناهن هناك طوال الليل”.

وأضاف ميغيد في قصته أن “الحاكم العسكري” فسّر ممارسات الجنود بأنهم “لم يستخدموا القوة. وإنما قالوا للنساء، في بداية فعلتهم – مثلما رووا لي عمليا – إنه إذا قاومن الجنود، سيذبحون الجميع. وقال لي أحد الجنود إن فعل ذلك أسهل من دون أن يضطر ثلاثة آخرون إلى إمساك المرأة من يديها وساقيها”. وقال الجنود لميغيد إن “الحاكم العسكري” لم يكترث “إذا اهتجنا قليلا”.

وقال “الحاكم العسكري” لضيف زاره، وفقا لميغيد، إنه يريد منه أن يفهم “كيف يمكن أن يتدهور شخص مثلي إلى هذه الدرجة، وأنه هو نفسه يأمر جنوده بإطلاق النار على مواطنين عُزّل… ولم تُرتكب هنا أمور خطيرة أكثر من التي ارتكبت في أي مكان آخر من المنطقة المحتلة. بل على العكس. وحتى لو ارتكبت مجزرة هنا هذه الليلة، فلن نكون الأوائل… فقد حدث ذلك في الأسبوع الأول وقُتل عدة عشرات من السكان المفتقدين للحماية”.

وأثار نشر هذه القصة ضجة في حينه، وحتى أن ميغيد تعرض للاعتداء، وادعى بعد ذلك أن القصة خيالية، لكنه أضاف أن “ثمة خطرا لعملية مشابهة لهذه التي شهدها ’أبطال’ قصتي في أي منطقة حكم عسكري”.

ولفت راز إلى أن المؤرخة أيال كفكافي كانت أول من ذكرت قصة ميغيد في كتابها حول العدوان الثلاثي “حرب اختيارية”، الصادر في العام 1994. وأكدت كفكافي أنه ربما لأن القصة كانت قطعة أدبية، “لم تمنع الرقابة الأمنية نشرها”. لكنها شددت على أن “المسافة بين الخيال والواقع لم تكن كبيرة بكل تأكيد”.

وأضاف راز أنه بعد 65 عاما على الأحداث المذكورة في القصة، فإن “المصاعب التي تضعها الدولة أمام باحثين يريدون العثور على توثيق تاريخي لجرائم حرب ارتكبت إبان الحكم العسكري القصير في قطاع غزة، من تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر 1956 وحتى آذار/ مارس 1957، ما تزال كثيرة جدا”.

صعوبات تمنع الاطّلاع على الوثائق

وأشار راز إلى ارتكاب الجنود الإسرائيليين جرائم حرب أثناء العدوان الثلاثي ذُكرت باختصار شديد، وتطرقت إلى أسرى الحرب، بينما لم تكن هناك شهادات حول أعمال اغتصاب. وفي منتصف التسعينيات، اعترف قائد الكتيبة 890 في لواء المظليين، أرييه بيرو، لصحيفة “يديعوت يروشلايم” بأنه أعدم أسرى مصريين: “أطلقت النار على أسرى في المتلة (الواقعة في سيناء)… لم يكن لدي الوقت للتعامل مع أسرى. وقتلنا من تمكنا من قتلهم”.

وأضاف راز أن ما تُسمى بـ”وثيقة المحاور”، التي أعدها أرشيف الجيش الإسرائيلي في العام 1988، هي أحد أسباب شحّ الوثائق التاريخية التي يُسمح بالاطلاع عليها. وهذه الوثيقة توجه سياسة كشف الوثائق التاريخية في أرشيف الجيش الإسرائيلي وأرشيف الدولة، وبخاصة تلك التي تنطوي على “حساسية أمنية، سياسية وشخصية”.

ويتناول البند 3 في هذه الوثيقة؛ منعَ الاطلاع على “مادة من شأنها المس بصورة الجيش الإسرائيلي كجيش احتلال يخلو من أركان أخلاقية”، ومن كشف وثائق تتحدث عن “عنف ضد سكان عرب وأعمال وحشية” وبضمنها القتل والإعدامات الميدانية والاغتصاب والسطو وعمليات نهب.

ويتطرق البند 4 إلى منع كشف “مواد متعلقة بالصراع اليهودي – العربي، الذي قد يمس بأمن الدولة اليوم أيضا”. وبين الأمثلة التي يوردها هذا البند: “معاملة عنيفة ضد أسرى خلافا لمعاهدة جنيف؛ عدم الالتفات إلى رايات بيضاء”. وعقّب راز بأنه “عندما تكون هذه هي المقاييس التي تمنع كشف توثيق عسكري وسياسي، فليس مستغربا وجود صعوبة بالغة لتقصّي سير الأحداث التاريخية”.

رغم ذلك، يكشف ضباط إسرائيليون عن جرائمهم بين حين وآخر. ويروي قائد الكتيبة 128 في لواء “يِفتاح” أثناء العدوان الثلاثي، شاؤول غفعولي، في سيرته الذاتية بعنوان “قصصي حياتي”، الصادرة عام 2014، عن محادثة بينه وبين قائد كتيبة آخر: “عندما انتهت الحرب، سألني بيني، قائد الكتيبة 13، إذا تلقيت أمرا بإطلاق النار على أسرى. وأجبت بالإيجاب. وسألني ’ماذا فعلت؟’. ورويت له أنني كنت أعتزم أن أخيفَ وأُحدِث رعبا من دون إطلاق النار على أسرى… وسألت بيني ’هل تلقيت أنت أيضا أمرا كهذا؟’. ’نعم! أبلغت فورا أنني لن أنفذ’”. وأشار راز إلى أن “المهم في هذه المحادثة ليس رفض الضابطان تنفيذ الأوامر العسكرية وإنما أنه صدرت أوامر بقتل أسرى منذ البداية”.

وكان رئيس أركان الجيش الإسرائيلي حينها، موشيه ديّان، قد قال خلال اجتماع للجنة الخارجية والأمن التابعة للكنيست، في 23 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر 1956، أي بعد وقت قصير من انتهاء المعارك، إنه كانت هناك معاملة مختلفة مع أسرى الحرب في كل وحدة.

وأضاف أنه كانت هناك حالات تم فيها إطلاق النار على جنود مصريين رغم أنه كان بالإمكان أسْرُهم. ولم يتحدّث ديان عن إجراءات قضائية ضد الجنود الإسرائيليين الذين أعدَموا أسرى.

ولفت راز إلى أنه ليس معلوما عن حالات حوكم فيها جنود قتلوا أسرى. كذلك فإن بروتوكول اجتماع اللجنة البرلمانية لم يعد مكشوفا في أرشيف الدولة، لكن أقوال ديان تظهر في ملحق الرسام الأميركي جو ساكو، المرفق بروايته المصورة “ملاحظات هامشيّة في غزة”، الصادرة عام 2009.

مجزرتا خان يونس ورفح

أشار راز إلى أن الجمهور اليهودي في إسرائيل ليس مطلعا على المجازر التي ارتكبها الجيش الإسرائيلي في خان يونس، في 2 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر 1956، وبعد تسعة أيام في رفح. وذلك خلافا للفلسطينيين الذين يحيون ذكرى المجزرتين سنويًّا.

وبحسب راز، فإن حصيلة الشهداء التي تشير إلى استشهاد 275 في خان يونس و111 في رفح ، ليست صحيحة على ما يبدو، استنادا إلى وثائق في الأرشيفات الإسرائيلية وبالإمكان الاطلاع عليها.

وأضاف أن “حقيقة أن مواطنين قُتلوا؛ لا شكَ فيها”. وبحسبه، فإن “التوثيق الفلسطيني يستند بمعظمه إلى شهادات شفهية ومصداقيته وجودته تتغير. وتوثيق موظفي الأمم المتحدة الذين تواجدوا في الميدان، وجمعه معهد ’عكيفوت’ في نيويورك، يسمح بالاطلاع على قسم من الأحداث التي دارت بعد الاحتلال”.

وتابع راز أن التوثيق حيال المجازر في خان يونس قليل جدا، بينما توجد صورة أوسع حول الأحداث في رفح. ووفقا لوثائق إسرائيلية، جرت في رفح مظاهرات ضد الاحتلال الإسرائيلي، وتصاعدت بسبب إعلان رئيس الحكومة الإسرائيلية حينها، دافيد بن غوريون، قبل يوم واحد، حول قرار الأمم المتحدة بأن على إسرائيل الانسحاب من المناطق المحتلة. وأبلغت وزارة الخارجية الإسرائيلية سفارتها في واشنطن بأن “الجيش اضطر” إلى وقف المظاهرات “بالقوة”، وأن الأمور وصلت “إلى حد إطلاق النار على الحشود” حيث استشهد 30 فلسطينيا.

وغداة هذه المجزرة، اعتقل الجيش الإسرائيلي جميع الرجال في رفح الذين تتراوح أعمارهم بين 18 و45 عاما، واحتجزهم في حظائر، بادعاء البحث عن أسلحة. وفي اليوم التالي 12 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر، تم فرض حظر تجول ومنع مغادرة البيوت.

وأفاد راز بأن “تجميع الرجال في الحظائر تدهور بسرعة إلى سفك دماء”. وقال قائد القوة الإسرائيلية، دافيد إلعزار، إن “الوحدة استخدمت النيران تجاه الذين حاولوا الفرار والذين يرفضون الانصياع للأوامر، ونتيجة لذلك قُتل (استُشهد) قرابة 30 مواطنا”. وبعد ذلك قدّر أن عدد الشهداء لم يكن أكثر من 40. ولفت راز إلى شهادة مواطن من غزة أمام مندوبي الأمم المتحدة في رفح وجاء فيها أن “عمليات القتل لم تتوقف. لقد أعدموا 2000 شخص، أوقفوهم قرب الحائط وأطلقوا النار عليهم”.

وبحسب راز، فإن تقارير مندوبي الأمم المتحدة حول عدد الشهداء في رفح مشابهة للعدد الذي أبلغ الإسرائيليون عنه، لكن مضمون التقارير أظهر واقعا مختلفا. وكتب رئيس لجنة وقف إطلاق النار الإسرائيلية – المصرية، الكولونيل ر.ب. باييرد، أنه من خلال التقارير المختلفة تمّ “التوصل إلى الاستنتاج أن العناية بالمواطنين كان فظا وغير عادل، وتم إطلاق النار على عدد وازنٍ من الرجال بدم بارد ومن دون أي سبب ظاهر للعيان”.

وكتب باييرد في برقية: “أمروا الرجال في المدينة بالخروج من بيوتهم من أجل التفتيش وقسم منهم رفضوا تركهم. وعندما تنقل الجنود الإسرائيليون من بيت إلى آخر من أجل إخراج الرافضين، بدأ قسم منهم بالهرب. وتم إطلاق النار باتجاههم. وليس لطيفا رؤية تعامل الإسرائيليين مع السكان المحليين”.

وكتب جندي من لواء “غولاني” إلى صديقته، في 6 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر، ورسالته محفوظة في أرشيف الجيش الإسرائيلي، أن “العرب مذنبون فقط في كل هذا وسأنتقم منهم في أي فرصة. ولا أكتفي بجميع الذين قتلتهم. لقد قتلنا المئات لكن هذا ليس كافيا بالنسبة لي. وسأنتقم منهم في أي فرصة، ولا تنقص فرص، بخاصة في هذه الأيام التي أتواجد فيها بين آلاف العرب. وهم يخضعون لحظر تجول وهذه فرصة رائعة لفعل كل شيء بهم. وأنا أفعل ذلك ولن أكتفي حتى أعود إلى البيت. أقسمت”.

وأشار راز إلى أن الصحافة الإسرائيلية لم تنشر شيئا عن هذه المجازر، باستثناء مجلة “هعولام هزيه”. وطرحت عضو الكنيست من الحزب الشيوعي الإسرائيلي، إستير فيلنسكي، الموضوع في الكنيست وطالبت بوقف المجازر. ورد بن غوريون عليها زاعما أن عددا من سكان القطاع خرقوا حظر التجول وأطلقوا النار على الجيش، “وبعد عدة طلقات في الهواء، كان جنودنا مرغمين على إطلاق النار بالمشاغبين؛ وقُتل 48 وأصيب عدد أخر”. ولم يتطرق إلى المجزرة في خان يونس.

المصدر: موقع “عرب 48”

KHAN YUNIS- OG RAFAH-MASSAKRERNE: ISRAEL BEGRAVER DOKUMENTATIONEN FOR SINE FORBRYDELSER I ARKIVERNE

 

Khan Yunis- og Rafah-massakrerne: Israel begraver dokumentationen for sine forbrydelser i arkiverne

Israel forsøgte at dække over de krigsforbrydelser, det begik i Gaza-striben, efter dets besættelse i en kort periode under trepartsaggressionen mod Egypten i 1956. Denne tilsløring af forbrydelserne understøttes af Israels indførelse af “streng hemmeligholdelse af historisk dokumentation der handlede om krigsforbrydelser siden dens oprettelse og frem til i dag,” ifølge hvad forskeren ved “Akevot”-instituttet for undersøgelse af den israelsk-palæstinensiske konflikt, historikeren Adam Raz, skrev i avisen “Haaretz” i dag, fredag.

Ifølge hjemmesiden “Arabs 48” dokumenterede den israelske forfatter, Matti Meguid, i en novelle, han offentliggjorde i avisen La Merhav, forbrydelserne, som omfattede massakrer og voldtægt, begået af israelske soldater i Gaza-striben, under dens militære hersker, som Meguid omtalte som bogstavet “D.” Titlen på historien var “Mr. ‘D’ Bitter End”.

Meguid skrev, at israelske soldater voldtog Gazasiske kvinder gentagne gange, og at en af ​​soldaterne fortalte sin kollega: “Du skulle have set, hvad der skete her i går… Disse arabere (sagde det hånende), efter at vi tog deres kvinder på arbejde, begyndte at gøre optøjer. Så hvad gjorde vi? Vi tog flere kvinder, unge kvinder ind i et hus, og truede dem med, at hvis de ikke stoppede, ville vi voldtage dem alle sammen foran dem alle sammen… Tror du, det havde en effekt? Det havde selvfølgelig en effekt … men det påvirkede os ikke at lade være med at gøre, hvad vi lovede, selvom de holdt op med at gøre optøjer … og vi holdt dem der hele natten.”

Meguid tilføjede i sin historie, at den “militære guvernør” forklarede soldaternes praksis, at de “ikke brugte magt. I stedet fortalte de kvinderne, i begyndelsen af ​​det, de gjorde – som de praktisk talt fortalte mig – at hvis de gjorde modstand mod soldaterne, ville de slagte alle. En af soldaterne fortalte mig, at det var nemmere at gøre, uden at tre andre skulle tage fat i kvinden i hendes hænder og ben.” Soldaterne fortalte Meguid, at den “militære guvernør” var ligeglad, “hvis vi var lidt agiterede.”

Den “militære guvernør” fortalte en gæst, der havde besøgt ham, ifølge Meguid, at han ønskede, at han skulle forstå, “hvordan en person som mig kan forværres i en sådan grad, og at han selv beordrer sine soldater til at skyde ubevæbnede borgere… Ikke mere der er begået alvorlige ting her end nogen steder.” Endnu et af det besatte område. Tværtimod. Selv hvis der var en massakre her i aften, ville vi ikke være de første… Det skete i den første uge, og flere dusin ubeskyttede beboere blev dræbt.”

Udgivelsen af ​​denne historie vakte oprør på det tidspunkt, og Meguid blev endda overfaldet og hævdede senere, at historien var fiktion, men tilføjede, at “der er en fare for en proces, der ligner den, at ‘heltene’ i min historie set i ethvert militært område.”

Raz påpegede, at historikeren Eyal Kafkafi var den første, der nævnte Meghids historie i sin bog om trepartsaggressionen “A War of Choice”, udgivet i 1994. Kafkafi understregede, at måske fordi historien var et stykke litteratur, “sikkerhedscensorerne forhindrede ikke offentliggørelsen.” Men hun understregede, at “afstanden mellem fantasi og virkelighed bestemt ikke var stor.”

Raz tilføjede, at 65 år efter begivenhederne nævnt i historien, “er de vanskeligheder, som staten stiller overfor forskere, der ønsker at finde historisk dokumentation for krigsforbrydelser begået under det korte militærstyre i Gaza-striben, fra november 1956 til marts 1957, stadig for mange”.

Vanskeligheder med at forhindre adgang til dokumenter

Raz påpegede, at krigsforbrydelser begået af israelske soldater under trepartsangrebet blev nævnt meget kort og handlede om krigsfanger, mens der ikke var nogen vidnesbyrd om voldtægt. I midten af ​​1990’erne indrømmede chefen for 890. bataljon i faldskærmsjægerbrigaden, Aryeh Bero, over for avisen Yediot Yerushalaim, at han havde henrettet egyptiske fanger: “Jeg skød fanger i Al-Matla (placeret på Sinai)… Jeg gjorde det. ikke har tid til at beskæftige sig med fanger. Vi dræbte dem, vi formåede at dræbe.”

Raz tilføjede, at det såkaldte “Axes Document”, som blev udarbejdet af den israelske hærs arkiver i 1988, er en af ​​årsagerne til manglen på historiske dokumenter, der er tilladt at se. Dette dokument styrer politikken med at afsløre historiske dokumenter i den israelske hær og statsarkiver, især dem, der involverer “sikkerhed, politisk og personlig følsomhed.”

Afsnit 3 i dette dokument omhandler; Det var forbudt at se “materiale, der ville skade billedet af den israelske hær som en besættelseshær uden moralske søjler”, og at afsløre dokumenter, der taler om “vold mod den arabiske befolkning og grusomheder”, herunder mord, felthenrettelser, voldtægt , røveri og plyndring.

Artikel 4 handler om at forhindre afsløring af “materiale relateret til den jødisk-arabiske konflikt, som også kan skade statens sikkerhed i dag.” Blandt eksemplerne nævnt i denne paragraf er: “Voldelig behandling af fanger i strid med Genève-konventionerne; Ikke opmærksom på hvide flag.” Raz kommenterede, at “når disse er de kriterier, der forhindrer afsløringen af ​​militær og politisk dokumentation, er det ikke overraskende, at det er meget vanskeligt at undersøge forløbet af historiske begivenheder.”

På trods af dette afslører israelske betjente fra tid til anden deres forbrydelser. Chefen for 128. bataljon i “Yiftach Brigade” under trepartsovergrebet, Shaul Gafa’oli, fortæller i sin selvbiografi med titlen “My Stories of My Life”, udgivet i 2014, om en samtale mellem ham og en anden bataljonschef: ” Da krigen sluttede, spurgte Benny, chefen for 13. bataljon, mig, om jeg modtog en ordre om at skyde fanger. Og jeg svarede bekræftende. Han spurgte mig ‘Hvad lavede du?’. Jeg fortalte ham, at jeg havde til hensigt at skræmme og skræmme uden at skyde fanger… »Har du også modtaget sådan en ordre?« spurgte jeg Benny. ‘Ja! Jeg fik straks besked om, at jeg ikke ville gennemføre.” Raz påpegede, at “det, der er vigtigt i denne samtale, er ikke de to betjentes afvisning af at udføre militære ordrer, men at ordrer blev udstedt om at dræbe fanger fra begyndelsen.”

IDF’s daværende stabschef, Moshe Dayan, sagde under et møde i Knessets Udenrigs- og Forsvarsudvalg den 23. november 1956, kort efter kampenes afslutning, at der var en forskellig behandling med krigsfanger i hver enhed.

Han tilføjede, at der var tilfælde, hvor egyptiske soldater blev skudt, selvom de kunne være blevet fanget. Dayan talte ikke om retslige skridt mod de israelske soldater, der henrettede fanger.

Raz påpegede, at det ikke er kendt til tilfælde, hvor soldater blev stillet for retten for at dræbe fanger. Ligeledes er protokollen fra det parlamentariske udvalgsmøde ikke længere afsløret i statsarkiverne, men Dayans udsagn findes i bilaget til den amerikanske maler Joe Sacco, som er knyttet til hans grafiske roman “Marginal Notes in Gaza”, udgivet i 2009.

Khan Yunis og Rafah massakrer

Raz antydede, at den jødiske offentlighed i Israel ikke er bekendt med massakrerne begået af den israelske hær i Khan Yunis den 2. november 1956 og ni dage senere i Rafah. Det står i modsætning til palæstinenserne, der årligt mindes de to massakrer.

Ifølge Raz er dødstallet, som indikerer martyrdøden på 275 i Khan Yunis og 111 i Rafah, tilsyneladende ikke korrekt, baseret på dokumenter i de israelske arkiver, der kan ses.

Han tilføjede, at “det faktum, at borgere blev dræbt; Det er der ingen tvivl om.” Ifølge ham er “palæstinensisk dokumentation for det meste baseret på mundtlige vidnesbyrd, og dens troværdighed og kvalitetsændringer. Og dokumentationen fra FN-personalet, der var til stede i felten, udarbejdet af “Akevot”-instituttet i New York, giver adgang til et udsnit af de begivenheder, der fandt sted efter besættelsen.

Raz tilføjede, at der er meget lidt dokumentation af massakrerne i Khan Yunis, mens der er et bredere billede af begivenhederne i Rafah. Ifølge israelske dokumenter fandt demonstrationer mod den israelske besættelse sted i Rafah, og eskalerede på grund af meddelelsen fra den daværende israelske premierminister, David Ben-Gurion, en dag før, om FN’s resolution om, at Israel skulle trække sig ud af de besatte områder. Og det israelske udenrigsministerium informerede sin ambassade i Washington om, at “hæren var tvunget” til at standse demonstrationerne “med magt”, og at sagerne “nåede så vidt, at de skyder mod folkemængder”, hvor 30 palæstinensere blev martyrdøden.

I kølvandet på denne massakre arresterede den israelske hær alle mændene i Rafah, mellem 18 og 45 år, og tilbageholdt dem i lader, idet de hævdede at lede efter våben. Dagen efter, den 12. november, blev der indført udgangsforbud, og hjem blev forbudt at forlade.

“Samlingen af ​​mænd i skurene forværredes hurtigt til blodsudgydelser,” rapporterede Raz. Kommandøren for den israelske styrke, David Elazar, sagde, at “enheden brugte ild mod dem, der forsøgte at flygte, og dem, der nægter at adlyde ordrer, og som følge heraf blev omkring 30 civile dræbt.” Derefter vurderede han, at antallet af martyrer ikke var mere end 40. Raz pegede på vidnesbyrdet fra en borger i Gaza foran FN-delegerede i Rafah og udtalte, at “drabene ikke stoppede. De henrettede 2.000 mennesker, stoppede dem nær en mur og skød dem.”

Ifølge Raz svarer FN-delegeredes rapporter om antallet af martyrer i Rafah til det antal, israelerne rapporterede, men indholdet af rapporterne viste en anden virkelighed. Lederen af ​​den israelsk-egyptiske våbenhvilekomité, oberst R.B. Bayerd, at det gennem forskellige rapporter blev “konkluderet, at plejen af ​​borgerne var uhøflig og uretfærdig, og at et stort antal mænd blev skudt med koldt blod uden nogen åbenbar grund.”

Bayard skrev i et telegram: “De beordrede byens mænd ud af deres hjem til en ransagning, og nogle af dem nægtede at forlade dem. Da de israelske soldater flyttede fra hus til hus for at få afvisningerne ud, begyndte nogle af dem at flygte. De blev skudt på. Det er ikke rart at se, hvordan israelerne håndterer lokalbefolkningen.”

En soldat fra Golani-brigaden skrev til sin kæreste den 6. november, og hans budskab er bevaret i den israelske hærs arkiver, at “araberne er kun skyld i alt dette, og jeg vil tage hævn på dem ved enhver lejlighed. Og jeg er ikke tilfreds med alle dem, jeg dræbte. Vi har dræbt hundredvis, men det er ikke nok for mig. Jeg vil tage hævn på dem ved enhver lejlighed, og der vil ikke mangle på muligheder, især i disse dage, hvor jeg er blandt tusindvis af arabere. De har udgangsforbud, og dette er en fantastisk mulighed for at gøre alt sammen med dem. Og det gør jeg, og jeg bliver ikke tilfreds, før jeg kommer hjem. Jeg sværger.”

Raz påpegede, at den israelske presse ikke offentliggjorde noget om disse massakrer, med undtagelse af magasinet “Haolam Hazeh”. Et medlem af Knesset fra det israelske kommunistparti, Esther Vilensky, rejste spørgsmålet i Knesset og krævede en ende på massakrerne. Ben-Gurion svarede og hævdede, at en række indbyggere i Gaza overtrådte udgangsforbuddet og skød mod hæren.” Efter adskillige skud i luften blev vores soldater tvunget til at skyde urofolk; 48 blev dræbt og mange flere blev såret. Han nævnte ikke massakren i Khan Yunis.

Kilde: “Arab 48” hjemmeside

3. 

Khan Yunis: Remembering the Forgotten Palestinian Massacre

The Khan Yunis massacre, in 1956. (Photo: Video archive)
 

By Hebh Jamal

Palestinian memory holds years and dates close. The Nakba was in 1948, the Naksa in 1967, Sabra and Shatila September 1982, the Intifada ‘87. November 3, 1956, however, does not live in infamy. Despite being one of the greatest massacres of Palestinians, the Khan Yunis massacre that brutally took the lives of hundreds of Palestinian men and boys, has only received a footnote in history- a mere few lines in a UN report.

The massacre came against the backdrop of a war waged by Israel, Britain and France against Egypt. It was an effort to take over the Suez Canal after it was nationalized by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Israeli leaders launched Operation Kadesh, the plan to conquer the Sinai before taking control of the Gaza Strip. Their central aim was to destroy the Palestinian armed resistance, the fedayeen, that were fighting under Egyptian command. They viewed a strike on the Egyptian regime as the optimal way to squander Palestinian resistance.

On November 2, the Egyptian forces virtually lost all control of the Sinai Peninsula. After a heavy bombing campaign on the town, Israeli infantry and tanks entered Khan Yunis the next day to “root out” the presence of the fedayeen.

Residents recall waking up to the loudspeakers of the occupation military vehicles, calling for all the young men ages 16 to fifty. The occupation forces were reported taking these men to public squares in a gruesome display of violence, shooting them all. Hundreds were killed on the first day of the massacre.

 

“The soldiers rounded up all the men in the street,” wrote Salman Abu Sitta in his memoir.

“They led them in single file, and lined them up against the wall of the fourteenth-century castle built by Sultan Burquq in the town’s main square. As they gathered, the assembled teachers, the bank clerks, the shopkeepers, the tradesmen, and the farmers looked as ordinary as they would on any other day.

“An officer stood in his jeep as if to salute. He looked from one side to another. The officer raised his hand high, and lowered it down quickly like a chopping knife. Bursts of machine gun shattered the silence on and off, left and right. The machine guns rang out in unison, then separately as if playing in an orchestra of hell, led by a devilish maestro. The captured men fell to the ground.”

The indiscriminate killings continued until November 12 as the Israeli occupation forces continued their massacres against those in Khan Yunis, its refugee camp and its villages.

The corpses were left for hours, sometimes overnight, before the families were permitted to recover the bodies. UNRWA later assembled a list it regarded as ‘credible’ of the names of 275 people.

Yet after the withdrawal of the occupation forces from Gaza in March 1957, a mass grave was discovered in the vicinity of Khan Yunis, containing the bodies of 40 Palestinians who had been shot in the back of the head.

Abu Sitta writes that Israel created a new “invention.”

“A ditch was dug along the school wall. Just in front of it stood the Israeli soldiers, who then ordered those lined up to jump over the ditch to the schoolyard.”

He recalled that Israeli soldiers with machine guns then showered the men with bullets. “The ditch became an instant grave,” he wrote.

 

Palestinian sources, such as researcher Ihsan Khalil Al-Agha, report the numbers to be close to 520 victims who were killed in field executions. The UN documents did not talk about a massacre committed by Israeli forces, nor did it bear any responsibility or provide legal notes to hold the perpetrators accountable.

The senior official of Hamas, Abed El-Aziz El-Rantisi – himself assassinated by Israel in 2004-  was nine years old that day when he witnessed the killing of his uncle. “I still remember the wailing and tears of my father over his brother,” he said. “I couldn’t sleep for many months after that. They planted hatred in our hearts.”

A soldier of the Israeli military infantry, the Golani Brigade, recounts the events to his girlfriend on November 6, 1956.

“Only the Arabs are to blame for all this and at every opportunity I take revenge on them,” he wrote.

“I am not satisfied with the amount [of people] I have already killed; we killed hundreds but for me it is not enough. At every opportunity I take revenge on them, and opportunities are not lacking, especially these days when I am among thousands of Arabs. They are under curfew, and this is a great opportunity to do anything we want to them. And I’m doing just that, and I won’t stop until I am on my way home, I swear.”

How could a massacre of this scale go widely unrecognized, under-researched, and relegated to the backburner of Palestinian history?

The first Israeli occupation of Gaza has very little historical records available to the public. An internal policy document was prepared by the IDF and Defense Establishment Archive in 1988, titled the “Topics Document.” In it, it explains why the state of Israel impedes any effort to research massacres that took place during its occupation of the Gaza Strip, such as “material that may harm the IDF’S image and portray it as an occupying army devoid of moral foundation.” Article 4 refers to “material related to the Jewish-Arab conflict, which may harm the security of the state even today.”

Israeli historian and politician Meir Bale rejected the claim of a mass killing of Palestinians in Gaza, saying “it is a great exaggeration, and there was never such a killing, no one was killed, and I was there, and I do not know of any massacre.”

One of the only western journalists to research the massacre is the journalist and author, Joe Sacco. In his 2009 graphic novel, “Footnotes in Gaza”he meticulously uncovers the horrific events that took place in Gaza in 1956 through eyewitness accounts.

In his forward, Sacco gives his own explanation as to why the events of November 1956 seem underreported. “Palestinians never seem to have the luxury of digesting one tragedy before the next one is upon them,” he wrote. “What good would tending to history do them when they were under attack and their homes were being demolished now?”

The massacre of Khan Yunis reached twice the number of the Dier Yassin massacre and lasted longer than the massacre that took place at Sabra and Shatila.

While the violence of the occupation seeps into every level of Palestinian life, eroding any sense of security, collective memory is significant to the struggle for liberation, including the daunting task of remembering the lives lost on November 3, 1956- ensuring it does not become a forgotten massacre.

– Hebh Jamal is a Palestinian American advocate and journalist currently based in Germany. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle. 

 

Meeting on Zoom (5 nov. 5:30) منتدى أماكن الذاكرة الفلسطينية – التاريخ والآثار والهُويّة 

“ORAL HISTORY’S CREDIBILITY, ROLE AND FUNCTIONALITY FROM THE ARAB ISLAMIC TRADITION TO MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY”

يتشرف #منتدى_أماكن_الذاكرة_الفلسطينية بدعوتكم لحضور ندوة على الزوم بعنوان– #لُوبيا – القرية الفلسطينية المُهّجرة 1948: مصداقية ودور وأهمية التاريخ الشفهي – من هيرودوتس و التراث العربي الإسلامي الى التاريخ الحديث ، يقدمها المؤرخ الفلسطيني د. محمود عيسى (جامعة كوبنهاغن) – يدير الحوار الأستاذ أحمد الدبش ___ الجمعة 5 نوفمبر 2021 – الساعة 07:00 مساء بتوقيت القدس
اللينك: Thema: Sites of Memory
Uhrzeit: 5.Nov..2021 05:30 PM Amsterdam, Berlin, Rom, Stockholm, Wien
Zoom-Meeting beitreten
Meeting-ID: 871 8111 3038
Kenncode: 1HZ1Qd
ملخص: هناك نقاش واختلاف في الرأي حول مصداقية ومشروعية التقاليد الشفاهية والتاريخ الشفاهي كأسلوب علمي قائم بذاته. في المقال التالي سأحاول أن أبرز أهمية وصلاحية وغنى هذه المعرفة المتأتية من خلال المقابلات النوعية التي أجريتها مع عدد من أبناء قرية لوبية المنتشرين في المهجر في أربعة عشر بلداً في العالم. المقابلات أظهرت بوضوح الغنى الثقافي وذاكرة المكان” les lieux de mémoire” للوبية، ولحيوية الذاكرة للقرية وتاريخها حتى بعد مرور سبعة عقود على النكبة منذ 1948. مقاربتي لهذا الموضوع تستند الى كل من التقاليد “الشرقية” و “الغربية”: ستاينر كفيل وكتابه” ” Qualitative Research Interviewsالمقابلات النوعية في الأبحاث، والعمل التذكاري ل “بوريس هولبوتش “،وبير نورا وفهمه “للتاريخ” و “المكان” ك “ذاكرة الأمكنة”، كل هذه المناهج الأوروبية “الحديثة” وجذورها في العصور الغابرة في ميسوبوتاميا واليونان ولاحقاً في الشعر الشفهي ما قبل الفترة الإسلامية والمعروف “بالمعلقات” وإدخال العالِم الإسلامي الإمام البخاري معاييره الواضحة لتبيان إمكانية وصدقية نقل الحديث الشريف للرسول وتجميعه فيما عرف لاحقاً “بالحديث”.
إن التقاليد الشفاهية والتاريخ الشفهي كان وما زال أحد ساحات المعارك المهمة للمهمشين والفقراء والمضطهدين والمستعمرَين، إن التاريخ مصنوع من هؤلاء لذا أصواتهم الجمعية والفردية يجب أن تسمع وتسجل للأجيال القادمة.
أحد الأهداف الرئيسة لاختياري هذا الموضوع للتاريخ الشفهي هو الحديث الجاري حول مصداقية ومشروعية استخدام المقابلات من أجل توثيق التاريخ الشخصي للأشخاص من حيث علاقتهم بأحداث ماضية أو حاضرة حيث أن بعض المؤرخين الكلاسيكيين يرفضون أي مقاربة للتاريخ عبر المقاربة الشفهية، معتمدين على نظرتهم للمقابلات الشفهية على إنها غير دقيقة بالمقاربة مع المقاربات التقليدية للتأريخ والتي تتضمن بالالتزام الدقيق بالمعايير المنهجية المتفق عليها نظرياً وخصوصاً تلك المتعلقة بالمواد الأرشيفية والوثائق المجمعة من قبل السلطات الحاكمة والمؤسسات عبر قرون. إن اهتمامي بالتاريخ الشفهي يعود الى أكثر من عقدين عندما بدأت التحري والبحث عن تاريخ القرية الفلسطينية لوبية (1) قرية من أصل 601 (2)قرية دمرت كلياً أو جزئيا بعد سنة 1948 كما يوثق ذلك الباحثون في زوخروت(3) و 675 بناء على ابحاث سلمان ابو سته موءخراً، مما أثار استغرابي عند بدء البحث ولم أجد سوى مقالين عن تلك الفترة ليوسف يوسف (4)، في مجلة الحرية الأسبوعية اللبنانية، حيث تم استعراض تاريخ قرية لوبية مع بعض الأوراق المتناثرة وكتيب صغير لأبراهيم الشهابي والذي تكرم بإعطائي النسخة الوحيدة التي يمتلكها (الشهابي 1994-1998)، إضافة لذلك يوجد صفحة ونصف عن لوبية في كتاب الخالدي كل ما تبقى ( All that Remains) ص 526-627.

A comment on Barack Obama’s book “A Promised Land”-

Reading the book(880 Pages-27 chapters-in Danish) left me speculating on the strong will that the poor black child possessed while young, until his becoming the head of the biggest power on earth, passing through multi-layers of harsh experiences and frustrations, including his Kenyan Muslim father who left him early, and appeared only in a few words in his book  . Although one is willing to recognize the talent, the firmness, and the steady ambition Obama had; nevertheless, when it comes to politics while in power, another Obama is seen, compromising, looking for every word he will speak or write, and how people will react. And when it comes to the Middle- East, the traditional view of all previous American presidents will follow: mainly the theological classical view of religions, especially the Bible- a fictional narrative that has nothing to do with science, as archeologists had demonstrated in the past few decades (the Copenhagen School ).  Although in his Cairo univ. speech he pronounced few sentences concerning Palestinian People’s right to an independent Palestinian State…nevertheless, he felt short of using his power to implement the unjustified casting of  14 million Palestinians, from having a decent place under the sun, equal to all other nations of this small planet. Neither his friendly relation with Rasheed al-Khalidi, nor being a student in Edward Said’s Class in 1983 to study modern novels could help him to approach the historic and legal rights of Palestinians. Only once he allowed a security council resolution condemning settlement policies in Palestine to pass by abstaining. 

Afghanistan, where he send more troops, against his promises, and Iraq, where he recognizes the necessity of withdrawal, are other major issues that contradict his earlier beliefs: Obama on top, is different than Obama the young grassroots human- not to mention the many drone killings of people without trial-including one who is a US citizen. I wonder what he will say nowadays after his successor decided to withdraw from Afghanistan, and how trillions were spent in hollow dark corners that benefit only a few, at the expense of millions of Afghans, Iraqis, or Palestinians….. Although vertically opposite to his successor at a series of different levels, after all, institutions and powerful lobbies had the upper hand in decision making, but never underestimate the huge possibilities of grassroots’, NGO’s & media’s role, especially with the futuristic power of the social media that could open the horizon for the interests of the majority to prevail- A clear example of Muna & Mohammad el-Kurd of Sheikh Jarrah -were among the world’s 100 most influential people, according to the American Time- because of resisting evacuation from their homes, and the huge impact of their resistance against occupation authorities.

A series of funny stories about Sarkozy having high shoes to compensate for his shortness; a king married with 12 women, and when he Obama asked him about difficulties to manage all those wives, the king answered: sometimes it is easier to solve the Middle East problem than reconcile his wives….and many other episodes that make one share laughing with the author.     

A book that is worth reading, especially when Obama wrote on details of the Arabic Spring’s Movement, and how he advised Mubarak to leave after Tahreer Square’s demonstrations, how he opposed Hilary Clinton’s speech when she tried to save Mubarak, how he condemned Sarkuzi & Cameron’s decision to interfere in Libya to save their own domestic agenda, and how he had contempt to the Arabic League when they supported a military intervention…..etc.       

A comment on El-Dabash book “PALESTINE from here emerged Civilisation”

Ahmed El-Dabash book on Palestine from the Paleolithic to the Chalcolithic Age is a very concise book of seven chapters -160 pages presents authentic well-documented research on the history of this tiny piece of land-Palestine, tracing back the emergence of the Homo Erectus species-from the Ubeidi Civilisation, located by the southern shore of the Sea of Galilee-Tiberias lake- to the nowadays era. Ahmed’s analyzed the main role of the western theological surveys of Palestine, especially Edward Robinson & Eli Smith in the middle of the nineteenth century (1852) & many other Biblical Orientalists who tried systematically to impose names of the Bible, the old and the new as well, on the topography of the “holy land”.  The result of these early biblical archeological research resulted in the infamous say: “A land without people for a people without a land”, and the demolishment of 675 Palestinian villages and towns that had their roots in prehistory stone ages before their ethnic cleansing in Nakba 1948. With this well documented and well-researched book, El-Dabash followed & confirmed the research of the earlier pioneers of “The Copenhagen School” who revolutionized the whole perception of the historiography of Palestine since the eighties of the last century: Niels Peter, Thomas Thompson, Keith Whitelam, Ingrid Hjelm, Bo Hermansen  & many  Palestinian archeologists- Muawia Ibrahim, Hamdan Taha, Issa Sarie,  Hani Nur El-Din -Mahmoud Hawari, only to mention a few. “Revision and change in all our methods … to write the history of ancient Palestine today- is required”, as Thomas Thompson wrote in his book “The Mythic Past”, 22 years ago.

(Centre for Arabic Unity Studies, Beirut-2021, translated by Manal Sherbini).   

For more info:

https://teol.ku.dk/english/dept/the-palestine-history-and-heritage-curriculum-project/

Lubya Zoom…..Time: Sep 17, 2021 07:00 PM Palestine time, 6.00 pm Europe time, 5.00 pm London time.

لوبيه (زووم) الساعه السادسه مساء بتوقيت الدنمارك يوم الجمعه 17ايلول, السابعه بتوقيت فلسطين .
شاهد المهندسين الفلسطينيين الشباب الفاءزين بالجائزة الاولي في مسابقة اعمار القرى الفلسطينية المدمرة التي تنظمها هيءة ارض فلسطين في لندن يشرحون لاهالي لوبية في المنافي تصميم قريتهم الجديد.
استمع الى حوار الشباب والشيوخ حول فلسطين الجديدة.
Lubya Zoom
Join us to Watch Young Palestinian Architects explain their design for Rebuilding Lubya- Tiberias District to the people of Lubya people, now refugees around the world. Watch the fascinating questions and answers.
Salman Abu Sitta is inviting you to a scheduled Zoom meeting.
Topic: Salman Abu Sitta’s Zoom Meeting
Time: Sep 17, 2021 07:00 PM Palestine time, 6.00 pm Europe time, 5.00 pm London time.
Join Zoom Meeting
Meeting ID: 864 6792 1886
Passcode: 055623

فوز نخبه من المهندسين والمهندسات في الجامعات الفلسطينيه بمسابقه لأفضل مشروع اعادة اعمار قرية لوبيه المهجره و المدمرة كليا منذ 1948

لمن يرغب  من اللوابنه أو المهتمين بقضايا اللاجئين و حق العوده  بلقاء المهندسين و الفائزين لهذا العام  يوم الجمعه 17 ايلول الساعه السادسه   بتوقيت الدنمارك, السابعه بتوقيت فلسطين

.سابعث الرابط لكم  عبر تقنية الزوم  بعد بضعة أيام

ِA video meeting with Palestinian architects who won the competition this year to rebuild the destroyed village of LUBYA. The participation in the meeting of Lubyans, or those interested in the  Refugee’s Right of Return, will take place through Zoom on the 17th. of Sep. at cl. 18.00 Danish time, 19.00 Palestine time. Thanks a lot to Dr. Salman Abu Sitta for this futuristic initiative for the 5th consecutive year.

For more info about the competition reward & two other relevant short videos see: 

6 may 2014-Lubya

CNN report on Lubya’s apology event on 1st. of may

 

 

 

Barbara Lee, was the only member of Congress to vote against the war in Afghanistan

Barbara Lee, was the only member of Congress to vote against the war in Afghanistan twenty years ago. She was called a terrorist, a traitor, and close to treasonous. The House vote was 420-1. The Senate vote was 98-0.
The only wise woman of conscience against a tribal revenge action that ends in hollowness & defeat. “Militarism”, “Occupation” under the cover of Democracy, Human Rights & Women Freedom was a huge failure strategy from Alger, Vietnam, Iraq, South Lebanon, Palestine….to Afganistan & beyond.
May be an image of 1 person and outdoors
 
 
 
 
 

UN report on Climate Change & Global Warming: A man made catastrophe

A Hotter Future Is Certain, Climate Panel Warns. But How Hot Is Up to Us.

Some devastating impacts of global warming are now unavoidable, a major new scientific report finds. But there is still a short window to stop things from getting even worse

 

 

Credit…David Swanson/Reuters

Nations have delayed curbing their fossil-fuel emissions for so long that they can no longer stop global warming from intensifying over the next 30 years, though there is still a short window to prevent the most harrowing future, a major new United Nations scientific report has concluded.

Humans have already heated the planet by roughly 1.1 degrees Celsius, or 2 degrees Fahrenheit, since the 19th century, largely by burning coal, oil and gas for energy. And the consequences can be felt across the globe: This summer alone, blistering heat waves have killed hundreds of people in the United States and Canada, floods have devastated Germany and China, and wildfires have raged out of control in Siberia, Turkey and Greece.

But that’s only the beginning, according to the report, issued on Monday by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, a body of scientists convened by the United Nations. Even if nations started sharply cutting emissions today, total global warming is likely to rise around 1.5 degrees Celsius within the next two decades, a hotter future that is now essentially locked in.

 
Climate Fwd  There’s an ongoing crisis — and tons of news. Our newsletter keeps you up to date. .

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At 1.5 degrees of warming, scientists have found, the dangers grow considerably. Nearly 1 billion people worldwide could swelter in more frequent life-threatening heat waves. Hundreds of millions more would struggle for water because of severe droughts. Some animal and plant species alive today will be gone. Coral reefs, which sustain fisheries for large swaths of the globe, will suffer more frequent mass die-offs.

“We can expect a significant jump in extreme weather over the next 20 or 30 years,” said Piers Forster, a climate scientist at the University of Leeds and one of hundreds of international experts who helped write the report. “Things are unfortunately likely to get worse than they are today.”

Not all is lost, however, and humanity can still prevent the planet from getting even hotter. Doing so would require a coordinated effort among countries to stop adding carbon dioxide to the atmosphere by around 2050, which would entail a rapid shift away from fossil fuels starting immediately, as well as potentially removing vast amounts of carbon from the air. If that happened, global warming would likely halt and level off at around 1.5 degrees Celsius, the report concludes.

But if nations fail in that effort, global average temperatures will keep rising — potentially passing 2 degrees, 3 degrees or even 4 degrees Celsius, compared with the preindustrial era. The report describes how every additional degree of warming brings far greater perils, such as ever more vicious floods and heat waves, worsening droughts and accelerating sea-level rise that could threaten the existence of some island nations. The hotter the planet gets, the greater the risks of crossing dangerous “tipping points,” like the irreversible collapse of the immense ice sheets in Greenland and West Antarctica.

“There’s no going back from some changes in the climate system,” said Ko Barrett, a vice-chair of the panel and a senior adviser for climate at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. But, she added, immediate and sustained emissions cuts “could really make a difference in the climate future we have ahead of us.”

The report, approved by 195 governments and based on more than 14,000 studies, is the most comprehensive summary to date of the physical science of climate change. It will be a focal point when diplomats gather in November at a U.N. summit in Glasgow to discuss how to step up their efforts to reduce emissions.

A growing number of world leaders, including President Biden, have endorsed the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, though current policies in the major polluting countries are still far off-track from achieving that target. The 10 biggest emitters of greenhouse gases are China, the United States, the European Union, India, Russia, Japan, Brazil, Indonesia, Iran and Canada.

The new report leaves no doubt that humans are responsible for global warming, concluding that essentially all of the rise in global average temperatures since the 19th century has been driven by nations burning fossil fuels, clearing forests and loading the atmosphere with greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide and methane that trap heat.

The changes in climate to date have little parallel in human history, the report said. The last decade is quite likely the hottest the planet has been in 125,000 years. The world’s glaciers are melting and receding at a rate “unprecedented in at least the last 2,000 years.” Atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide have not been this high in at least 2 million years.

Ocean levels have risen 8 inches on average over the past century, and the rate of increase has doubled since 2006. Heat waves have become significantly hotter since 1950 and last longer in much of the world. Wildfire weather has worsened across large swaths of the globe. Bursts of extreme heat in the ocean — which can kill fish, seabirds and coral reefs — have doubled in frequency since the 1980s.

In recent years, scientists have also been able to draw clear links between global warming and specific severe weather events. Many of the deadly new temperature extremes the world has seen — like the record-shattering heat wave that scorched the Pacific Northwest in June — “would have been extremely unlikely to occur without human influence on the climate system,” the report says. Greenhouse gas emissions are noticeably making some droughts, downpours and floods worse.

 
 

 

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Credit…Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Tropical cyclones have likely become more intense over the past 40 years, the report said, a shift that cannot be explained by natural variability alone.

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And as global temperatures keep rising, the report notes, so will the hazards. Consider a dangerous heat wave that, in the past, would have occurred just once in a given region every 50 years. Today, a similar heat wave can be expected every 10 years, on average. At 1.5 degrees Celsius of global warming, those heat waves will strike every 5 years and be significantly hotter. At 4 degrees of warming, they will occur nearly annually.

Or take sea level rise. At 1.5 degrees of warming, ocean levels are projected to rise another 1 to 2 feet this century, regularly inundating many coastal cities with floods that in the past would have occurred just once a century. But if temperatures keep increasing, the report said, there is a risk that the vast ice sheets in Antarctica and Greenland could destabilize in unpredictable ways, potentially adding another three feet of sea-level rise this century in the worst case.

Further unpredictable changes may be in store. For example, a crucial ocean circulation system in the Atlantic Ocean, which helps stabilize the climate in Europe, is now starting to slow down. While the panel concluded with “medium confidence” that the system was unlikely to collapse abruptly this century, it warned that if the planet keeps heating up, the odds of such “low likelihood, high impact outcomes” would rise.

“It’s not like we can draw a sharp line where, if we stay at 1.5 degrees, we’re safe, and at 2 degrees or 3 degrees it’s game over,” said Robert Kopp, a climate scientist at Rutgers University who helped write the report. “But every extra bit of warming increases the risks.”

Experts have estimated that current policies being pursued by world governments will put the world on track for roughly 3 degrees Celsius of warming by the end of the century. That has ramped up pressure on countries to make more ambitious pledges, beyond what they agreed to under an international climate agreement struck in Paris in 2015.

 
 

 

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Military personnel inspected by boat the area across the Ahr river in Rech, Rhineland-Palatinate, in western Germany, after devastating floods hit the region last month.
Credit…Christof Stache/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

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If nations follow through on more recent promises — like Mr. Biden’s April pledge to eliminate America’s net carbon emissions by 2050 or China’s vow to become carbon neutral by 2060 — then something closer to 2 degrees Celsius of warming might be possible. Additional action, such as sharply reducing methane emissions from agriculture and oil and gas drilling, could help limit warming below that level.

“The report leaves me with a deep sense of urgency,” said Jane Lubchenco, deputy director of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. “Now is the critical decade for keeping the 1.5 target within reach.”

While the broad scientific understanding of climate change has not changed drastically in recent years, scientists have made several key advances. Computer models have become more powerful. And researchers have collected a wealth of new data, deploying satellites and ocean buoys and gaining a clearer picture of the Earth’s past climate by analyzing ice cores and peat bogs.

That has allowed scientists to refine their projections and conclude with greater precision that Earth is likely to warm between 2.5 degrees and 4 degrees Celsius for every doubling of the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere.

The new report also explores in greater detail how global warming will affect specific regions of the world. For example, while only one corner of South America to date has had a detectable rise in droughts that can harm agriculture, such damaging dry spells are expected to become much more common across the continent if global average temperatures increase by 2 degrees Celsius.

The focus on regional effects is one of the most important new aspects of this report, said Valérie Masson-Delmotte, a climate scientist at University of Paris-Saclay and a co-chair of the group that produced the report. “We show that climate change is already acting in every region, in multiple ways,” she said.

Past climate reports have focused mainly on large-scale global changes, which has made it hard for countries and businesses to take specific steps to protect people and property. To help with such planning, the panel on Monday released an interactive atlas showing how different countries could be transformed as global temperatures rise.

 

“It’s very critical to provide society, decision makers and leaders with precise information for every region,” Dr. Masson-Delmotte said.

The new report is part of the sixth major assessment of climate science from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which was created in 1988. A second report, set to be released in 2022, will detail how climate change might affect aspects of human society, such as coastal cities, farms or health care systems. A third report, also expected next year, will explore more fully strategies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and halt global warming.

17000 Stolen Artifacts from Iraq is back to its original birth place. NYT-Jane Arraf

A clay tablet fragment roughly 3,500 years old inscribed with a fragment of the Gilgamesh epic…..is retrieved back from “The Bible Museum” & Cornwell University.

When Religion & respected Universities are used as a means for theft -whether in Iraq or Palestine.!!!

Iraq Reclaims 17,000 Looted Artifacts, Its Biggest-Ever Repatriation

The cuneiform tablets and other objects had been held by the Museum of the Bible, founded by the family that owns the Hobby Lobby craft store chain, and by Cornell University.245

 
 
 

 

Employees at the Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Baghdad on Tuesday working around crates of looted antiquities returned from the United States.
Credit…Sabah Arar/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

ERBIL, Iraq — When the Iraqi prime minister’s plane touched down in Baghdad last week after an official visit to the United States, its cargo included 17,000 archaeological artifacts returned by a prominent museum and an Ivy League university in the largest-ever repatriation of looted Iraqi antiquities.

On Tuesday, plywood crates holding the thousands of clay tablets and seals — pieces from Mesopotamia, site of the world’s earliest civilizations — were stacked next to a table displaying a few of the artifacts as the Iraqi Culture Ministry took custody of the cultural treasures.

The repatriation of so many objects rounds out a remarkable chapter in the story of a country so ravaged by decades of conflict and war that its very history was pulled out of the ground by antiquities thieves and sold abroad, ending up on display in other countries’ museums. And it is a victory in a global effort by countries to press Western institutions to return culturally vital artifacts, like the push to repatriate the famed Benin Bronzes to Nigeria.

“This is not just about thousands of tablets coming back to Iraq again — it is about the Iraqi people,” Hassan Nadhem, the Iraqi minister of culture, tourism and antiquities, said in a telephone interview. “It restores not just the tablets, but the confidence of the Iraqi people by enhancing and supporting the Iraqi identity in these difficult times.”

 

The institution that held about 12,000 of the items was the Museum of the Bible, a four-year-old Washington museum founded and funded by the Christian evangelical family that owns the Hobby Lobby craft store chain. The addition of artifacts from ancient Mesopotamia was intended to provide context for Old Testament events.

Four years ago, the U.S. Department of Justice fined Hobby Lobby $3 million for failing to exercise due diligence in its acquisitions of more than 5,000 artifacts; some of those artifacts were among those returned last week to Iraq. Hobby Lobby agreed as part of the government lawsuit to tighten its acquisition procedures, and the museum found thousands more suspect artifacts after it later initiated a voluntary review of its collection.

 
 

 

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Mesopotamian clay pieces bearing cuneiform inscriptions on display during a ceremony on Tuesday in Baghdad to mark the handover of the looted antiquities.
Credit…Sabah Arar/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

More than 5,000 of the other pieces returned last week had been held by Cornell University. That collection from a previously unknown Sumarian city of Garsana was donated to the university in 2000 by an American collector. Partly because the city was unknown, it was widely suspected by archaeologists to have come from a looted archaeological site in the south of Iraq.

The holdings underline a thriving market in stolen antiquities and highlight the plight of countries like Iraq, which has been subjected to three decades of antiquities looting. When government forces lost control of parts of southern Iraq in 1991, in the aftermath of the first Gulf War, widespread looting occurred at unexcavated sites. And the industrial-scale thefts continued amid a security vacuum after the 2003 U.S.-led invasion.

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Many of the returned clay tablets and seals are from Irisagrig, a lost ancient city. The city’s existence became known only when tablets mentioning it were seized at the Jordanian border in 2003, while thousands more surfaced in international antiquities markets.

Southern Iraq, part of ancient Mesopotamia, contains thousands of unexcavated archaeological sites between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers where the world’s first known civilizations began. Babylon and Ur, the reputed birthplace of the Prophet Abraham, flourished there, and it is where writing, astronomy and the first known code of law originated.

Hobby Lobby’s batch of repatriated objects does not include what had been the best-known of its holdings from Mesopotamia: a clay tablet fragment roughly 3,500 years old inscribed with a fragment of the Gilgamesh epic, an ancient saga mentioning the Great Flood and the Garden of Eden that predates the Old Testament by many centuries.

The Justice Department, which describes it as “stolen Iraqi property,” seized the tablet in 2019. It is the only Hobby Lobby artifact among those being returned to Iraq to have been exhibited in the Museum of the Bible.

 
 

 

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The Museum of the Bible in Washington was founded by the family that owns the Hobby Lobby craft store chain.
Credit…Saul Loeb/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Hobby Lobby, which is suing Christie’s auction house to recover the $1.6 million that it paid for the fragment in a private sale in London, withdrew its objections to returning it in July. Now in a federal warehouse in Brooklyn, the piece is expected to be handed back to Iraq in a few weeks.

The tablet, about 6 inches by 5 inches, was first offered for sale by a Jordanian antiquities dealer in London in 2001. It then changed hands several times, and in 2014 Christie’s brokered a private sale of it to Hobby Lobby with documents later found to be false. The Justice Department said that a dealer had warned that the provenance would not withstand the scrutiny of a public auction. Christie’s has said it did not know the documents were fake.

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Hobby Lobby’s president, Steve Green, has said that he knew nothing about collecting when he started the museum and that he had been misled by unscrupulous dealers.

Some of the artifacts were bought in lots of up to 2,000 pieces with what the museum’s current director has described as paperwork so vague that the museum did not know what it was getting.

 
 

 

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The best-known of Hobby Lobby’s Iraqi holdings, a clay tablet roughly 3,500 years old with a fragment of an epic poem, is expected to be returned in a few weeks.
Credit…Museum of the Bible

Because most of the objects bought for the museum were not studied, they remain a mystery. The sole artifact that it has kept from the collection, a cuneiform-inscribed brick from a temple in Nebuchadnezzar’s period, has a clear provenance. The museum says that export papers from the family that donated it show that it was legally taken from Iraq to the United States in the 1920s.

But the artifacts returned by Cornell have been widely studied by scholars who published their findings. Many archaeologists criticize any research into potentially looted items, saying it not only deprives the countries of origin of the opportunity to study the objects themselves, but also helps fuel the trade in looted antiquities by raising black-market prices for similar items.

“We missed this great opportunity to study our tablets, our heritage,” said Mr. Nadhem, the culture minister, who said that Cornell had not consulted Iraq on its research of the tablets. “This is a kind of bitterness in our mouth.”

Cornell, which has revealed little about the return of its collection, said that it had repatriated 5,381 clay tablets to Iraq. In 2013, the U.S. Justice Department urged the university to give back thousands of ancient tablets believed to have been looted from the country in the 1990s, according to the Los Angeles Times.

 

Asked about the returned artifacts, Cornell provided a statement thanking the Iraqi government “for their partnership as we continued the crucial work of preserving these important artifacts for future generations to study.” It also said it had published studies about the tablets for “the cultural benefits of the Republic of Iraq.”

 
 

 

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Steve Green, the Hobby Lobby president and Museum of the Bible co-founder, has said that he was misled by unscrupulous dealers.
Credit…Saul Loeb/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

The returned Hobby Lobby artifacts include thousands of pieces seized by the U.S. government in 2011, which became the basis of the Justice Department fine against the company. They included cuneiform tablets, ancient cylinder seals and clay seal impressions known as bullae.

Most of the shipments, according to the Justice Department, had been marked Turkish “ceramic tiles” and shipped to Hobby Lobby and two corporate affiliates from dealers in the United Arab Emirates. Others from Israel falsely declared Israel as their country of origin.

The Museum of the Bible counted more than 8,000 others when it began reviewing the provenance of every item in its collection in an effort to emerge from scandals resulting from the Hobby Lobby acquisitions. The museum’s highest-profile acquisitions, purported fragments of the Dead Sea Scrolls, turned out to be forgeries.

When it became clear shortly after the museum opened that it could not verify the provenance of the Mesopotamia artifacts, it packed them up to be returned.

“In a large measure, the contents are pretty much unknown,” said Jeffrey Kloha, the museum’s director of collections, who joined after the pieces were acquired. He has previously said that more than 5 percent of the artifacts bought by Hobby Lobby that were said to be from ancient Mesopotamia are fake.

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Now, with the return of the Iraqi and, previously, of other suspect holdings, the museum has turned its focus to domestic acquisitions with much clearer provenance, including early Bibles, Mr. Kloha said.

Patty Gerstenblith, director of the Center for Art, Museum and Cultural Heritage Law at DePaul University in Chicago, said that because the importance of the returned Iraqi artifacts was unknown, it was difficult to assess the repatriation in archaeological terms.

But she said the move had symbolic value.

“I think the fact that the museum proactively went through and said, ‘OK, we really can’t establish where this stuff came from,’ that was also an important step,” she said. “Other museums should do the same thing.”

 

 

After 113 years, Germany apologized for a Genocide against Namibian people.

“After 73 years, Palestinians are still awaiting recognition, reparation & justice against the biggest ethnic cleansing in modern era – 2/3 of its original people (covered up by International World Powers-mainly Britain)…. Humsa خربة حمصه الفوقا destruction nowadays for the 7th time in al-Ghoor &  Al-Araqeeb (Arabic: قرية العراقيب‎,  is an unrecognized, five miles (8 km) north of Beersheba demolished and rebuilt 190 times until now is a concrete example of an ongoing ethnic cleansing in 2021″.  

 

Germany Apologized for a Genocide. It’s Nowhere Near Enough.

 
 

 

Credit…Christian Ender/Getty Images

Kavena Hambira and 

Mr. Hambira is an artist and the chair of the Namibia Institute for Democracy. Ms. Gleckman-Krut is a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at the University of Michigan who writes about violence, gender and the state.

More than a century ago, Germany carried out a systematic massacre. From 1904 to 1908, in what is now Namibia, the German colonial government killed about 80,000 Herero and Nama people.

In May, 113 years later, Germany at last acknowledged this massacre as genocidal. “In light of Germany’s historical and moral responsibility,” said Germany’s foreign minister, Heiko Maas, “we will ask Namibia and the descendants of the victims for forgiveness.” With this request for forgiveness came a “gesture” of $1.35 billion, to be spent on reconstruction and development projects, health care and training programs over 30 years.

The Namibian government accepted. But many Nama and Herero feel it is nowhere near enough. Nandiuasora Mazeingo, chair of the Ovaherero Genocide Foundation, called the agreement “an insult.” After all, the sum is comparable to German development aid to Namibia over the past 30 years — and the negotiations largely excluded Herero and Nama people. More than a century after the massacre, Germany’s apology falls far short.

One of us, Mr. Hambira, is a descendant of Herero survivors, while members of Ms. Gleckman-Krut’s Jewish family were killed in the Holocaust. We have a personal sense of the devastation Germany has wrought. To begin to atone for its Namibian genocide, it must negotiate directly with descendants of survivors — and commit to wide-ranging reparations.

 

Toward the end of the 19th century, German leaders sought what would soon be called “Lebensraum,” a “living space” outside their industrializing and overpopulated homeland. The Berlin Conference in 1884, where European colonizers divided up the African continent, provided an opportunity: Germany officially claimed the regions, which it called German South West Africa, where roughly 80,000 Herero and 20,000 Nama people lived.

Nama and Herero leaders such as Hendrik Witbooi and Samuel Maharero marshaled their people’s resistance to the colonizers. In 1903, a full-fledged revolt broke out.

Brought in to quash the rebellion, Gen. Lothar von Trotha won a decisive battle at Hamakari in August 1904. Then, in October, he issued an extermination order. Authorized by Berlin, German troops used machine guns, rifles, cannons and bayonets to massacre unarmed women, children and men. Families were forced to flee into the scorching Omaheke desert, where troops cornered them and poisoned their water holes. Soldiers killed parents in front of their children.

Von Trotha confined surviving Nama and Herero to camps, where captives were worked brutally hard and subjected to medical experiments. Some were sterilized; others were injected with arsenic and opium, or deliberately infected with smallpox, typhus and tuberculosis. An all-female camp was established for the purpose of sexual violence.

Death was no reprieve: Germans sold the skulls of the people they had slain to research institutions overseas. By 1908, the German colonial government had killed 80 percent of the Herero and 50 percent of the Nama populations. This was the first genocide of the 20th century.

More than a century of German denial has left much of the world unaware of the massacre. Today the sites of former concentration camps, such as those in Swakopmund and Lüderitz, are tourist destinations rather than memorials. While the Museum of Natural History in New York continues to conduct research on the human remains Germany stole, Herero and Nama have been denied for generations the opportunity to bury their loved ones. Many Nama and Herero live on unproductive soil, barred from the land taken from their ancestors. Most are disenfranchised minorities within Namibia or spread across the diaspora.
 

Some 30 years after the massacre in German South West Africa, Nazis murdered six million Jews. The two genocides are related. For it was in southern Africa that Eugen Fischer, later a prominent Nazi eugenicist, pioneered the pseudoscience about “racial hygiene” used to justify the slaughter of people Germans saw as an obstacle to Lebensraum — first the Herero and Nama, and later the Jews. Some techniques of slaughter, too, were first used in the colony: Victims were sent to concentration camps in cattle cars, tattooed and issued with numbers, as they later were in Europe. Between the two atrocities, despite their differences, is a continuum in method and motive.

Germany’s response to this history, however, has been starkly different. Seven years after the Holocaust, in 1952, West Germany signed an agreement with 23 Jewish organizations and the Israeli government to pay reparations for the material losses suffered by Jewish individuals and people. In the years since, school curriculums, museums and memorials have placed the Holocaust at the center of national remembrance. Though insufficient, and unable to eliminate anti-Semitism, Germany’s efforts provide a baseline model for how to make amends for a historical atrocity.

As it did with Jews after World War II, Germany should meet with representatives from Herero and Nama communities to design reparations, taking into account both the material damages of genocide and the psychological and spiritual suffering caused by more than a century of denial.

These could take many forms: Germany could commit to direct compensation, work to return the land robbed from Herero and Nama people and return the skulls of those killed in German concentration camps. Germany could also integrate the Namibian genocide into its national narrative, through public education and commemoration, and build memorials at the sites of former concentration camps.

But to truly seek forgiveness and address the disaster it caused, Germany must first do something simple: Look Herero and Nama people in the eye, and listen to what they say.

“The crimes of the past, when left unaddressed, do not remain in the past”

“The crimes of the past, when left unaddressed, do not remain in the past” by Peter Beinart

An interesting series of articles in the Guardian, by Peter Beinart, concerning “One State Solution”, “the Right of Return to Palestinian Refugees” and the practical ways to implement resolution 194, & to resolve issues of the demolished villages and their land in 1948 where 70%  are still empty until now,  worths reading. The series of Peter’s articles are interesting in researching a concrete way of implementing the Right of Return, Reparation and Compensation to Palestinian refugees, depending, among many other sources, on UNCCP archives collected from 1953 & documenting million of official papers and deeds for Palestinian Refugees.( the best on this regard is Michael R. Fischbach’s book: “Records of Dispossession”.  

Following is one of these series:

 

18th of May 2021

https://www.theguardian.com/profile/peter-beinart

https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/may/18/a-jewish-case-for-palestinian-refugee-return

 

100 years After Tusla Massacre: A lesson for Palestinian Refugees to learn from

 

Palestinians should learn the lessons from the brave black Americans who fought for reparation, recognition, restitution and respect, even after a century:  

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/25/magazine/tulsa-race-massacre-1921-greenwood.html?action=click&module=Top%20Stories&pgtype=Homepage

An interesting article in NYT by

In 1921, a white mob attacked the Greenwood district of Tulsa, killing hundreds of Black people and destroying the neighborhood. Justice has never been served. Can it still be today?

 
 
 
 
Another link on Tulsa
 
 
 

3      

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/may/31/tulsa-race-massacre-at-100-act-of-terrorism

4.

 

 

Lucy Garbett: An Armenian Palestinian account & her life in Sheikh Jarrah-a microcosm of the ongoing ethnic cleansing policy for the past 73 years.

Lucy Garbett: An Armenian Palestinian wrote (in the Guardian 17 May) on her life at Sheikh Jarrah-a microcosm of the ongoing ethnic cleansing policy for the past 73 years.
 
I live in Sheikh Jarrah. For Palestinians, this is not a ‘real estate dispute’
Lucy Garbett
The threat to our neighbours’ homes is the latest chapter in a long campaign to erase the Palestinian presence in Jerusalem
 
Sheikh Jarrah today smells of dirty socks and rotting flesh. Israeli police vehicles, known as “skunk trucks”, have been spraying Palestinian homes, shops, restaurants, public spaces and cultural institutions with putrid water at high pressure. The water causes vomiting, stomach pain and skin irritation, and was originally developed by an Israeli company to repel protesters. The stench lasts for days on clothes, skin and homes, leading Palestinians to joke that Jerusalem all smells like shit. Protesters are also targeted in other ways. They are brutally beaten, arrested by the police, some on mounted horses, attacked by settlers and sprayed with rubber bullets.
 
These forms of collective punishment aim to stop the growing movement to save Sheikh Jarrah and halt the dispossession of 27 Palestinian families of their homes there. My family has lived in Jerusalem for several generations since they fled the Armenian genocide in 1915. In 1948, during the Nakba, they were expelled from their home in West Jerusalem and found refuge in the city’s eastern part. Now we live in Sheikh Jarrah and my neighbours are about to be expelled from their homes.
 
Every day for the past month, Palestinians from all walks of life have gathered in the neighbourhood to share iftar, the breaking of Ramadan fast, outside homes that are under threat: laughing and sharing jokes, together despite the gravity of the situation. Chants and singing start after prayers, only to be met by settlers’ taunts and police repression.
 
Now the neighbourhood has been transformed into a military zone. Checkpoints at every turn allow residents only into the area, blocking us off from the world. We must endure this harassment from settlers and police alike for simply living in our homes.
 
While Sheikh Jarrah makes the headlines, this type of harassment and settler violence is not new. Last September, on the day my grandmother passed away, my car was graffitied with “Arabs are shit”. Just two weeks ago, to celebrate Orthodox Easter, I tried to attend the annual parade held by the Syriac and Armenian communities I am part of. Along with other Palestinians, I was assaulted by police officers and prevented from entering the Old City. A few weeks later, worshippers were brutally assaulted as they prayed in al-Aqsa mosque. As Palestinians, we feel every expression of our identity is being erased and marginalised.
 
Israel’s discriminatory policies in Jerusalem, including planned displacement, is constant. We are discussed as a “demographic timebomb” by Israeli planners and officials. In this city, the idea of a “demographic balance” between Arabs and Jews underpins municipal planning and state actions. Since the illegal occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967, Israeli policy has focused on keeping a 70:30 ratio of Jews to Arabs in the city – later adjusted to a 60:40 ratio when authorities said this was “not attainable”. This is done in myriad ways, including settlement construction wedging in Palestinian neighbourhoods, home demolitions and revocation of residency rights.
 
Since 1967, an estimated 14,500 Palestinians have been stripped of their residency status. In order to obtain ID cards, Palestinian Jerusalemites have to constantly prove that Jerusalem continues to be their “centre of life”, through proof of rental agreements and bills in their name. This comes with a surprise home visit, to check you really do live in the house, and has included looking to see if toothbrushes have been used in the bathroom. If Jerusalemites leave the country or reside in the West Bank, their residency status is revoked, leaving them without official documents and unable to return home. Every five years I must present myself at the Israeli Ministry of Interior with proof of my residence in Jerusalem and provide transcripts of any course I have taken during my university studies in the UK. On each visit, we are subjected to humiliating and invasive questioning, and each time we worry they may take away our only way to remain.
 
There have been many attempts to portray the cases of dispossession in Jerusalem, and Sheikh Jarrah specifically, as isolated, individual incidents, painting them as “real estate disputes” that drag on for years in court. But for Palestinians, Sheikh Jarrah is simply a microcosm of life in Jerusalem. It symbolises the continuing ethnic cleansing of our land and homes. Palestinians are enduring erasure, marginalisation and displacement, and they are prevented from the basic right of returning to their original homes and properties.
 
A grocery store owner in Sheikh Jarrah recently told me: “Our entire lives have just been this … oppression, oppression, oppression. They won’t let us live.” Now, Palestinians everywhere are taking to the streets and demanding their right to life, a life that is free and dignified in their homeland. Sheikh Jarrah is the battle for Jerusalem. After a long experience with Israel’s regime of dispossession, we know what is at stake: our very place in the city. And as bombs drop on Gaza and demonstrations erupt all over the country, Israeli mobs with police complicity march in the streets chanting “death to Arabs”, attempting to lynch Arabs and destroy Palestinian shops and cars. Palestinians, no matter where we reside, are standing up together. Our only option is to live free, and for that to happen, Israel’s impunity must end.
 
Lucy Garbett is a researcher at the London School of Economics and Social Science-based in Jerusalem
 
Above: (Israeli border police in Sheikh Jarrah, East Jerusalem, on 12 May. Several Palestinian families in the area face imminent eviction. Photograph: Maya Alleruzzo/AP)

“We must recognize that Palestinian rights matter. Palestinian lives matter.”Bernie Sanders’ wrote in NYT

Although I do have another view concerning the situation in Palestine, as I wrote yesterday on the 73rd anniversary of the Nakba,  https://mahmoud.dk/en/2021/05/14/   I think that Bernie Sanders’ following article in NYT is a step forward to correcting long-biased policies towards the Palestinians.
At least at the end of the article, he wrote: “We must recognize that Palestinian rights matter. Palestinian lives matter.”
Bernie Sanders: The U.S. Must Stop Being an Apologist for the Netanyahu Government
 

May 14, 2021

Mr. Sanders is a senator from Vermont.

“Israel has the right to defend itself.”

These are the words we hear from both Democratic and Republican administrations whenever the government of Israel, with its enormous military power, responds to rocket attacks from Gaza.

Let’s be clear. No one is arguing that Israel, or any government, does not have the right to self-defense or to protect its people. So why are these words repeated year after year, war after war? And why is the question almost never asked: “What are the rights of the Palestinian people?”

And why do we seem to take notice of the violence in Israel and Palestine only when rockets are falling on Israel?

In this moment of crisis, the United States should be urging an immediate cease-fire. We should also understand that, while Hamas firing rockets into Israeli communities is absolutely unacceptable, today’s conflict did not begin with those rockets.

Palestinian families in the Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah have been living under the threat of eviction for many years, navigating a legal system designed to facilitate their forced displacement. And over the past weeks, extremist settlers have intensified their efforts to evict them.

And, tragically, those evictions are just one part of a broader system of political and economic oppression. For years we have seen a deepening Israeli occupation in the West Bank and East Jerusalem and a continuing blockade on Gaza that make life increasingly intolerable for Palestinians. In Gaza, which has about two million inhabitants, 70 percent of young people are unemployed and have little hope for the future.

Further, we have seen Benjamin Netanyahu’s government work to marginalize and demonize Palestinian citizens of Israel, pursue settlement policies designed to foreclose the possibility of a two-state solution and pass laws that entrench systemic inequality between Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel.

None of this excuses the attacks by Hamas, which were an attempt to exploit the unrest in Jerusalem, or the failures of the corrupt and ineffective Palestinian Authority, which recently postponed long-overdue elections. But the fact of the matter is that Israel remains the one sovereign authority in the land of Israel and Palestine, and rather than preparing for peace and justice, it has been entrenching its unequal and undemocratic control.

Over more than a decade of his right-wing rule in Israel, Mr. Netanyahu has cultivated an increasingly intolerant and authoritarian type of racist nationalism. In his frantic effort to stay in power and avoid prosecution for corruption, Mr. Netanyahu has legitimized these forces, including Itamar Ben Gvir and his extremist Jewish Power party, by bringing them into the government. It is shocking and saddening that racist mobs that attack Palestinians on the streets of Jerusalem now have representation in its Knesset.

These dangerous trends are not unique to Israel. Around the world, in Europe, in Asia, in South America and here in the United States, we have seen the rise of similar authoritarian nationalist movements. These movements exploit ethnic and racial hatreds in order to build power for a corrupt few rather than prosperity, justice and peace for the many. For the last four years, these movements had a friend in the White House.

At the same time, we are seeing the rise of a new generation of activists who want to build societies based on human needs and political equality. We saw these activists in American streets last summer in the wake of the murder of George Floyd. We see them in Israel. We see them in the Palestinian territories.

With a new president, the United States now has the opportunity to develop a new approach to the world — one based on justice and democracy. Whether it is helping poor countries get the vaccines they need, leading the world to combat climate change or fighting for democracy and human rights around the globe, the United States must lead by promoting cooperation over conflict.

In the Middle East, where we provide nearly $4 billion a year in aid to Israel, we can no longer be apologists for the right-wing Netanyahu government and its undemocratic and racist behavior. We must change course and adopt an evenhanded approach, one that upholds and strengthens international law regarding the protection of civilians, as well as existing U.S. law holding that the provision of U.S. military aid must not enable human rights abuses.

This approach must recognize that Israel has the absolute right to live in peace and security, but so do the Palestinians. I strongly believe that the United States has a major role to play in helping Israelis and Palestinians to build that future. But if the United States is going to be a credible voice on human rights on the global stage, we must uphold international standards of human rights consistently, even when it’s politically difficult. We must recognize that Palestinian rights matter. Palestinian lives matter.

Senator Bernie Sanders is a senator from Vermont.
Foto: Khalil Hamra 

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Hani Nassar and Tarek El-Dakkak
 

73 years of ongoing Colonisation, Evictions & Massacres: from LUBYA to Sheikh Jarrah

“Den Fædrene Jord”- “Ancestors’ Land” Documentary film on Lubya 1995–  ارض الآباء

https://vimeo.com/184372241

Lubya Village – ارض الآباء – لوبيه

73 years only is the time from the eviction and later destruction of our village LUBYA, in Galilee  in 1948, to the trials of evicting the few families of Sheikh Jarrah, who were original refugees from their original homes in west Jerusalem, Lyd and Ramli, in 2021. Colonialism, settlement and the continued ethnic cleansing of Palestinians was and still the core issue that took place a century ago in this tiny area of 27000 km2, under the earlier British colonizers and their successors.

Colonialism, empire and genocide dominated three centuries of our modern era in the four corners of our globe- not to speak of earlier colonialism era  in Roman , Ottoman and  Mongol. 

Millions of peoples perished in these centuries of colonial era by European powers to expand, dominate and exterminate the original peoples of non-Europeans; whether in America-both North and South, Africa, or Australia. 15 million people alone in Algeria during the 132 years of French Colonialism: only to give one concrete example. The Algerians are still awaiting a word of APOLOGY, from the earlier colonisers, but in vain – let alone compensation and reparations for the victims and their descendants. And today French authorities are preventing a pro- Palestinian demo to take place in Paris-planned Saturday, 15th May: the 73rd anniversary of Nakba- the uprooting of 2/3 of Palestinians from their native homes.

14 million Palestinians have absolute right to demand their story to be told, their lands to be restored, and their demolished villages to be reclaimed. The Right of Return and Reparation are guaranteed by international laws and 194 resolution adopted by general assembly of UN in 1948. (The Swedish deplomat, count Bernadotte payed with his life the price for his insistence on implementing the UN decision. Perpetrators never got punished for this crime).

It took the president of the United States 106 years to recognize the Armenian genocide in first word war. It took decades to recognize the aborignial Tasminian’s rights in Australia, the indigenous Māoris of NewZeland, the genocide in Congo by Belgians, and the many many others that needs a series of books just to enlist the massacres of Europians in the four corners of the world. Should Palestinians wait for more than 3/4 of a century for their rights to be recognised? 

When Human Rights Watch and B’TSelem’s reports last month documented the thousands of cases of discrimination and oppression against Palestinians in what they classified as “Apartheid”, the international powers are called to stop the historical denial of the Palestinian People’s rights for self determination. Although “Too many enemies” is the title of Rose Mary Sayegh’s  book, documenting the tragedy and massacres Palestinians underwent; I believe that Palestinians have “too many friends” in the world that need to be addressed and mobilized to attain justice and peace.

For more info on Nakba visit https://mahmoud.dk

“In Jerusalem” by Mahmoud Darwish, 2003

In Jerusalem by Mahmoud Darwish, 2003 (translated by Fady Joudah – Thanks Heidi)
«ماذا بعد؟ صاحت فجأة جنديّةٌ:/ هو أنت ثانية؟ أَلم أقتلك؟/ قلتُ: قتلتني… ونسيتُ، مثلك، أن أَموت».
In Jerusalem, and I mean within the ancient walls,
I walk from one epoch to another without a memory
to guide me. The prophets over there are sharing
the history of the holy … ascending to heaven
and returning less discouraged and melancholy, because love
and peace are holy and are coming to town.
I was walking down a slope and thinking to myself: How
do the narrators disagree over what light said about a stone?
Is it from a dimly lit stone that wars flare up?
I walk in my sleep. I stare in my sleep. I see
no one behind me. I see no one ahead of me.
All this light is for me. I walk. I become lighter. I fly
then I become another. Transfigured. Words
sprout like grass from Isaiah’s messenger
mouth: “If you don’t believe you won’t be safe.”
I walk as if I were another. And my wound a white
biblical rose. And my hands like two doves
on the cross hovering and carrying the earth.
I don’t walk, I fly, I become another,
transfigured. No place and no time. So who am I?
I am no I in ascension’s presence. But I
think to myself: Alone, the prophet Muhammad
spoke classical Arabic. “And then what?”
Then what? A woman soldier shouted:
Is that you again? Didn’t I kill you?
I said: You killed me … and I forgot, like you, to die.

Heather Spears & her immemorial legacy

Heather Spears, the novelist, poet, human & courageous personality left us a marvelous legacy of more than 100 exhibitions of drawings, mainly of the Intifada children of Palestine, 4 books of drawings, and 5 novels. She received letters from young girls and boys from Gaza, asking for help, and never she hesitated to send what she could. A few months ago she send a few amount of money of her retirement savings to a young man to buy a donkey carriage to help him earn a decent living. “The creative eye” was her last book; the creative generous human left us early, only physically, while her achievements will stay as an immemorable statue to all people she loved and beloved.

A comment I wrote last year on her new book “THE CREATIVE EYE”
Heather Spears, in her new book “The Creative eye”, opens the horizon to everyone thirsty for a new vision, new look, and I dare to say exploring new ways to live life. Spears, in her artistic quest of the why and how, is matching what Hayden White tried to explore in the History of Consciousness: creativity, imagination, renaming, and redrawing – it is a new philosophical vision that is needed, not only to look back at the past thousands of years of Mesopotamian’s and Egyptian’s art; but, to contemplate an obscure future, and to gaze into our own mystical inner world as well. -A lovely and inspiring book is needed now to read, especially when we are instructed to be at home nowadays-because of Corona

 

NB To see her videos on Intifada’s children and drawings see: www.heatherspears.com

الحمّة – قرية فلسطينية تاريخية Al-Himma- a Palestinian historical village

 

الحمّة قرية فلسطينية تاريخية وعيون ساخنة تتدفق منها مياه كبريتية وذكريات رومانية

 

3 – أبريل – 2021

وديع عواودة

 
 

 

نقطة حدود بين فلسطين والأردن وسوريا

الناصرة-»القدس العربي»: في ملتقى الحدود الجغرافية التاريخية بين فلسطين والأردن وسوريا يجد الزائر موقعا فريدا بتضاريسه وينابيعه الساخنة ويعرف بالحمّة، وهي ممتدة بين ثلاثة بلدان لكن تسميتها الغالبة الأكثر انتشارا هي «الحمّة السورية». ويقول المؤرخ شكري عراف لـ»القدس العربي» إن الحمة كانت تقع ضمن حدود فلسطين وفق خرائط حدود 1923 وكانت تخضع لسيطرة الانتداب البريطاني. منوها لوقوع الحمّة بين جنوب الجولان السوري المحتل وبين جبال البلقاء الأردنية وتبلغ مساحتها حوالي 1500 متر مربع وارتفاعها أسفل مستوى البحر بـ 150 مترا وترتفع عن بحيرة طبرية القريبة بنحو 50 مترا. وينتصف المنطقة نهر الرقاد الفاصل بين سوريا والأردن ويصب في نهر اليرموك الذي يلتحم بنهر الأردن في جنوب البحيرة. وسيطرت إسرائيل على المنطقة عام 1967 بعدما كان محيطها «منطقة حرام» محايدة واليوم هناك مستوطنة إسرائيلية على أراضي الحمّة وقد ورثت اسمها أيضا (حمات غادير أو مافو الحمّة) وتعتاش بالأساس من منتجع سياحي نادر يقوم على التنزه والاستحمام خلال معظم أيام السنة في مسابح تتغذى من ينابيع مياه معدنية ساخنة تتراوح درجة حرارتها بين 45 و 60 درجة. ويعزو أطباء منافع صحية للاستحمام بمياه الحمّة من ناحية توسيع الأوعية الدموية وعلاج المفاصل والعضلات. لكن سّر جاذبية الموقع يعود لسخونة مياهها وتوفيرها فرصة للاستحمام والتمتع بالعوم فيها في أيام الشتوية مما يفسرّ تراكم الطبقات الحضارية في الموقع كما تدلل الآثار العمرانية بدءا من فترة الهيلينيين ممن منحوا المكان تسميته بعد تشييدهم فيه مدينة مجاورة عرفت بغادير أو جدارة وتعرف اليوم بأم قيس، وكانت ينابيع الحمّة منتجعا لسكانها كما يؤكد الباحث ومرشد الطبيعة والرحلات راضي عمر.

جداريس الإغريقية

ويوضح راضي عمر لـ»القدس العربي» أن اسم الحمةّ ورد في مؤلفات الجغرافي اليوناني سترابو في القرن الميلادي الثاني وقال فيها إن «منطقة جداريس تحتوي على مستنقعات مياه ضارة عندما تشربها الحيوانات فإن شعرها، قرونها، وأظلافها تتساقط» وعلى شاكلتها تنتشر عيون مياه ساخنة صغيرة على طول منطقة الأغوار ووادي عربة.
وحسب عمر، شكلت الحّمة في الفترة الرومانية نقطة جذب سياحية لزوار من أرجاء امبراطورية روما من عامة الشعب وحتى الحكام للاعتقاد بأن مياهها تمتاز بخواص استشفائية وتمنح روادها فرصة لتجديد شبابهم وحيويتهم، ولذا فقد وردت في عدة مصادر تاريخية بصفتها أشهر وأجمل الحمامات في داخل الامبراطورية الرومانية بعد حمامات بايا في منطقة نابولي الإيطالية. وقد ذكرها الرحالة الانكليزي بكينغهام بعد زيارته الحمة في بداية القرن التاسع عشر بالقول إن حماماتها تعج بالزائرين. أما الباحث يعقوب شومخار الذي زارها في نهاية القرن التاسع عشر فيصفها ويتحدث عن حمامات مهدومة. وبنى الرومان منتجعا ضخما فخما في المكان يشمل مسابح وحمامات ومرافق للتدليك والرياضة والترفيه، وازدهرت مجددا في الفترة البيزنطية التالية لكن هزة أرضية في منطقة الشق السوري قد ألحقت ضررا فادحا بمنشآت الحمة العمرانية.

خمس عيون

وشهد الموقع عمليات حفر وتنقيب وبناء وترميم في الفترة 1979-1982 على يد فريق من الجامعة العبرية في القدس، ويجد الزائر اليوم آثارا عمرانية متقنة وضخمة تعكس أهمية المكان في عصور غابرة منها قاعدة الأعمدة، وفيها صفان من العمدان التي كانت تحمل سقفا بارتفاع 14 مترا عن أرضية البركة داخلها ما زالت بعض بقاياه قائمة وتدلل على صورتها الأصلية، ومن حولها برك سباحة صغيرة كانت تحتوي مياها فاترة وفق تأكيد الباحثين. ومن هذه البرك بركة معدة لمرضى الجذام وهي الأخرى مبنية كسائر مرافق الحمة من الحجارة البازلتية السوداء. وينقل عدد من مرشدي الطبيعة والرحلات عن نصوص تاريخية تقتبس رواية أحد زوار الموقع عام 570 ميلادي ويدعى انطونيوس الذي يصف هذه البركة بالقول: «مقابل بركة الماء الساخن هناك حوض كبير كان مرضى الجذام يدخلونه عبر بوابة ضخمة وبأيديهم شمعدانات وبخور ومن ثم تغلق البوابة ويقيم فيها المرضى طيلة الليل». منوها أن هذه الرواية التاريخية وجدت ما يعززها حيث اكتشف المنقبون قبل نحو أربعة عقود ونيف عشرات الشمعدانات الفخارية في محيط هذه البركة الليلية. وقريبا من بركة الجذام قامت قاعة بيضوية ترتفع ثمانية أمتار في وسطها بركة سباحة متدرجة العمق مرصوفة بالرخام وينقل لها الماء من النبع الحار عبر قناة حجرية مكشوفة ومن حولها ست نوافير يقال إنها كانت تستخدم لتبريد مياهها. كذلك ما زالت آثار قاعة النوافير بحالة جيدة رغم بنائها في الفترة الرومانية وطولها نحو 53 مترا وفي مركزها بركة سباحة مياهها باردة محاطة بـ 32 نافورة مما أكسبها اسمها، هذا وقد بني كل منها على شكل رؤوس حيوانات تتدفق المياه من أفواهها وهي بخلاف بقية البرك كانت مكشوفة ودون سقف حسب تقديرات الباحثين الأثريين. وهناك عدد من البرك الأخرى بعضها ما زالت تمتلئ بمياه الينابيع الساخنة.

المنتجع

ويقوم منتجع الحمّةّ الإسرائيلي على قسم من الحمّة التاريخية ويعتبر من أكثر نقاط الجذب قوة، ولذا تباع تذاكر الدخول بأسعار باهظة تبلغ 30 دولارا للفرد الواحد. وداخل الموقع التاريخي تنتشر خمس عيون مياه معدنية ساخنة تنبع عميقا جدا من باطن الأرض تبث رائحة الكبريت والمعادن والأملاح الأخرى تصل أنوف الزائرين عن بعد وهي مفيدة للبشرة وفيها دواء للأمراض الجلدية وفق معتقدات شعبية. وتقع عين المقلى قريبا من الحمامات التاريخية الرومانية ودرجة حرارتها 52، بينما تبلغ درجة حرارة عين البلسم 42 وتقع جنوب غرب عين المقلى وهي تغذي اليوم مسبحا للزائرين بكميات كبيرة من المياه المتدفقة بغزارة. أما عين بولس فدرجة حرارتها 25 درجة فقط وتقع قريبا من عين البلسم وهي الأخرى تستخدم للاستحمام لمن يفضلون مياها غير مرتفعة الحرارة. وتتدفق عين الريح من باطن الأرض على بعد 200 متر إلى الشرق من عين بولس على حافة وادي الرقاد ونهر اليرموك ودرجة حرارتها 37. والخامسة هي عين الساخنة ودرجة حرارتها تبلغ 28 فقط وتنبع من الزاوية الشمالية الشرقية من موقع الحمّة وتستغل مياهها لتربية التماسيح كواحدة من نقاط الجذب للمنتجع. وفي محيط هذا النبع يقام اليوم بين الفترة والأخرى عروض للببغاوات والزواحف والأفاعي والسلاحف والسحالي بأنواع وأشكال مختلفة.

إنعاش الروح

ويقول الحاج محمد حكروش أبو نايف (83) من بلدة كفركنا داخل أراضي 48 لـ «القدس العربي» إنه يدأب وزوجته على زيارة الحمة منذ عقود وهو يملك بطاقة دخول ثابتة يسدد ثمنها سنويا، منوها أن الاستحمام في مياه الحمة بالنسبة له متعة كبيرة خاصة في أيام الخريف والشتاء. ويوضح أبو نايف أن الحمة تحتوي على مميزات نادرة منها موقعها المنخفض والدافئ ومياهها المعدنية الغنية بالمعادن والأملاح المفيدة لصحة الإنسان، لافتا لكونها ملتقى اجتماعيا وفيه يتعرف على أشخاص من مختلف أرجاء البلاد علاوة على قضاء أوقات فيها مع أصدقاء يتشارك معهم «تنقية الرأس وإنعاش الروح» بعيدا عن زحمة الحياة اليومية وضجيجها. يذكر أن القائمين على منتجع الحمّة اليوم يخصصون بعض أيام الأسبوع لليهود المتدينين فقط وأخرى للنساء المحافظات عربا ويهودا، وبعد عام من الإغلاق بسبب جائحة كورونا فتحت الحمّة أبوابها هذا الأسبوع لكن المدمنين عليها واظبوا على زيارتها ودخول بركها البدائية المنتشرة خارج المنتزه الرسمي والقائمة بمحاذاة الحدود مع الأردن حيث توجد الآثار العمرانية الرومانية. وداخل المنتجع الرسمي هناك مسجد تاريخي كبير موصد منذ الاحتلال الإسرائيلي للمكان وتمنع الصلاة فيه وترتفع مئذنته نحو 35 مترا مبنية من الحجر الأبيض وكان يخدم سكان قرية الحّمة في المكان.

سكة الحديد الحجازية

يشار أن المنتجع كان نقطة جذب مركزية في فترة الانتدابين البريطاني والفرنسي على فلسطين وسوريا، وقد اعتاد العرسان على قضاء بعض أيام العسل في منطقة الحمّة وطبرية المجاورة مستفيدين من وجود فندق بني في المكان عام 1945 وخط قطار يمر بجوار الحمة. والحديث يدور عن سكة الحديد الحجازية التي بناها مهندسون ألمان في نهاية القرن التاسع عشر بناء على طلب الدولة العثمانية لتيسير طريق الحج للديار الحجازية وكانت تنطلق من اسطنبول وتمر بسوريا وتتفرع منها سكة حديد تربط بين دمشق وحيفا وبيسان ومنطقة سمخ جنوب طبرية ثم الحمة قبل صعودها للأراضي الأردنية. وما زالت آثار هذه السكة ظاهرة للعيان على شكل بقايا سكك حديدية وقناطر وجسور شيدت للتغلب على الفوارق والمعيقات الطبيعية والتضاريس الجبلية.
وتؤكد منظمة «ذاكرات» أن الحمة لم تحتل بالقتال وإنما سيطرت عليها إسرائيل بعد انتهاء حرب 1948 بزمن بعيد منوهة أنه في آخر الحرب وقعت القرية ضمن المنطقة المجردة من السلاح على الحدود مع سوريا ونصت اتفاقية الهدنة السورية-الإسرائيلية التي وقعت في تموز/يوليو 1949 على حمايتها. لكن السلطات الإسرائيلية قررت مع ذلك بحسب ما كتب المؤرخ الإسرائيلي بني موريس أن تطرد سكان مجموعة القرى التي شملتها الاتفاقية بحجة أنهم ربما كانوا يتعاونون مع السوريين أو يسرقون المواشي ويعتدون على أراضي غيرهم. وقد استعملت السلطات الإسرائيلية طوال السنوات السبع اللاحقة (1949-1956) خليطا من سياسة العصا والجزرة لإخراجهم من ديارهم وذلك استنادا إلى موريس، واشتملت الوسائل المستعملة على الضغط البوليسي والحوافز المادية وقد انتقل سكان المنطقة في معظمهم إلى سوريا لكن البعض منهم سكن في قرية شعب التابعة لقضاء عكا.
وتستذكر أن سلطات الانتداب البريطاني منحت امتيازات منطقة الحمة إلى سليمان ناصيف (من مواليد بلدة المختارة اللبنانية) بدءا من عام 1936 وحتى 2029. منوهة لفشل جميع الجهود التي بذلها اليهود لشراء هذا الامتياز منه وقد أدخل المرحوم تحسينات جمة على الحمامات، فشق الشوارع وغرس الأشجار وبنى المساكن الفخمة. وتتابع «بعد أن وضعت الحرب العالمية الأولى أوزارها وبدأت بتقسيم انتصاراتها فكانت فلسطين من نصيب الحكومة البريطانية وانتشر الشباب اللبناني المثقف في كافة أنحاء البلاد الخاضعة للحكم البريطاني طمعاً بالوظائف والمراكز الحكومية، فكنت ترى العديد من اللبنانيين في الأردن والسعودية ومصر وفلسطين». وكان من نصيب سليمان بك ناصيف ان يعمل موظفاً كبيراً ومسؤولاً انتقل من مصر إلى حيفا ثم طبريا وبيسان، وبحكم علمه اطّلع على كل كبيرة وصغيرة في البلاد فقرر الاستقالة من عمله في الحكومة سنة 1929 وفكر بإقامة مشروع كي يضمن له مستقبلاً حرّاً، ودعا عدداً من المهندسين والاقتصاديين للتشاور وبعدها عزم على إقامة مشروع الحِمّة المشهورة بمياهها المعدنية. وبما انه كان صاحب مركز حكومي بريطاني، كان سهلاً عليه أن يحصل على إذن من المسؤولين في الأردن وفلسطين. ولكونه من مواليد بلدة المختارة عاصمة العائلة الجنبلاطية في لبنان فقد سهّل عليه موافقة الحكومة الفرنسية وابتدأ في إقامة المشروع سنة 1930.

“PLACES OF MIND A Life of Edward Said” By Timothy Brennan

An interesting new book on Edward Said by T. Brennan worths reading.  Below is Ayten Tartici’s comment on the book

The Restless, Eclectic and Contradictory Passions of Edward Said

 

Edward Said, at his office at Columbia, seven months before his death in 2003. Timothy Brennan’s biography, “Places of Mind,” draws on an imposing array of material to write the first comprehensive portrait of one of America’s most distinguished postwar intellectuals.

PLACES OF MIND
A Life of Edward Said
By Timothy Brennan

In 1986, Edward Said published “After the Last Sky,” a collaboration with the Swiss photographer Jean Mohr. The book blended photographs of the daily lives of Palestinians dispersed across the West Bank, Gaza, Jordan and Lebanon with commentary by Said. At the time, he had not been back to the place of his birth, what was then Mandatory Palestine, since fleeing in December 1947 at the age of 12. Narrating Mohr’s photographs was a kind of surrogate return. Looking back on the project 13 years later, Said wrote, “It is an unreconciled book, in which the contradictions and antinomies of our lives and experiences remain as they are, assembled neither (I hope) into neat wholes nor into sentimental ruminations about the past.”

The phrase “unreconciled book” aptly describes not only “Places of Mind: A Life of Edward Said,” the new biography by his former student Timothy Brennan, but also — at least the “unreconciled” part — the snapshot of the contrarian thinker that emerges from it: Palestinian and American, Cairene and New Yorker, boastful and insecure, a Burberry-clad backer of anticolonial insurgencies and a public partisan of Palestinian self-determination who never once taught a class on the Middle East.

Brennan draws on an imposing array of material to write the first comprehensive portrait of one of America’s most distinguished postwar intellectuals: interviews with Said’s family, friends and colleagues; correspondence, essays, unpublished poetry and fiction; as well as the F.B.I. files on him. Yet in recording the mile-wide scope of Said’s influences, the book at times comes off as merely an inch deep. Several ideas Brennan introduces — why we should look to poetry as opposed to fiction as the key to Said’s intellectual formation, for example — are subsequently abandoned, like an undeveloped roll of film.

Born in Jerusalem in 1935 and raised in Cairo, Said was in part able to pursue an Ivy League education by dint of inheriting an American passport. His father had briefly immigrated to the United States and become a citizen during World War I, but returned to the Middle East, operating a successful business selling stationery to the British colonial bureaucracy. After getting into trouble at Victoria College, an elite British school in Cairo, Said was sent packing to Mount Hermon, a boarding school in Massachusetts, where he first studied philosophers such as Plato, Aristotle and Kierkegaard. Arriving at Princeton conflicted over whether to pursue music (he was a gifted pianist) or medicine, he instead chose to follow an honors track called “special humanities.” The program enabled him to combine coursework in literature, music, French and philosophy and to study with the prominent critic R. P. Blackmur. At Harvard, where he completed his Ph.D., he wrote a dissertation on Joseph Conrad under Harry Levin, a pioneer of comparative literature. Said would later refer to himself as a comparatist and was as enthralled with the medieval Arab historian Ibn Khaldun as he was with the Italian Enlightenment philosopher Giambattista Vico. Brennan’s early chapters, which explore several aspects of Said’s life, including his two marriages, familial pressures, friendships and advisers, as all constitutive of the provocative polymath he became, are some of the finer pages in “Places of Mind.”

 

Upon graduation, Said was quickly hired by Columbia, and despite occasional flirtations with other institutions, he remained there for the entirety of his career. As Brennan observes: “If along with Chomsky, Hannah Arendt and Susan Sontag he was the best-known U.S. public intellectual of the postwar period, he was the only one of them who taught literature for a living. Said reveled in this fact.” Yet, Said’s view of the American university as “a quasi-utopian place” of reflection did not mean he embraced a secluded existence. The enduring riddle of his career was his ability to remain at once inside and outside the halls of power. Echoing his references to the Lebanese civil war in “Orientalism” (1978), which situated his literary criticism in a contemporary historical and political context, Said conceived of literature as inextricable from time and place. Although raised an Anglican, he was an outspoken defender of the Islamic world against both Western predations and the misrepresentations that bolstered them. Despite that activism, he fretted over his political impact. “Although he let few see it,” Brennan writes, “he lived in agony.

 
 
 

One day on campus soon after “The World, the Text, and the Critic” (1983) appeared, Brennan ran into Said, who insisted that the scholar’s job was “first of all to have something to say,” but also that it was “crucial not to get caught up in the displaced aesthetic longing of the critic as an artist.” We now know that alongside his academic work, Said had long nurtured artistic ambitions. An admirer of Gerard Manley Hopkins, he wrote poems and attempted two novels, one during graduate school, in the summer of 1962, and another 25 years later. Studying one of the surviving manuscripts, Brennan judges the prose to be “fluid, assured and quite complete.”

Said was famously not one for acolytes and disciples, and it is good that Brennan is willing to read Said against Said. He notices in his former professor’s intellectual restlessness a tendency to press ahead just as the ideas he had helped popularize were gaining ground. Said initially acted as a key transmitter of French theory in the late 1960s and early 1970s, writing about developments in Continental thought for American readers and drafting thoughtful, appreciative essays on Michel Foucault. Yet by the time American universities were experiencing peak theory fever, Said had already sworn off the stuff, dismissing the obscurity of philosophers like Jacques Derrida as indicative of a retreat from the political world. Even the field Said was said to have given birth to, postcolonial studies, left him feeling ambivalent.

So, too, in politics, Said’s views were subject to change. A confidant of Yasir Arafat, he supported a two-state solution long before it was fashionable. He notably revised that position after the Oslo accords, which he considered a massive betrayal of any hope for an independent Palestine, and advocated during the remainder of his life for a single binational state. Changing one’s mind, publicly at that, was simply part of the intellectual’s evolving understanding of the world.

While brimming with this kind of detail, “Places of Mind” is strangely cursory in other ways. Critical Saidian concepts, such as filiation and affiliation, flicker into view, assuming an unwarranted familiarity. Brennan often proposes suggestive angles only to dispose of them abruptly, as when he glosses over Said’s intellectual engagement with feminism. Part of the problem may be Said’s prolificness, his leaping eclecticism and relentless energy. Despite a long-term battle with leukemia (he died of the disease in 2003), he continued to teach at Columbia, published book after book and co-founded with Daniel Barenboim the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra in a quest, criticized by some of his own family members, to bring young Arab and Israeli musicians together each year in Spain.

In an era of professional specialists and self-declared experts, Said doggedly praised the amateur, the humanist who endeavored not to make audiences feel good but to be a nonconformist, embarrassing and roguish when it mattered. He stood for the relevance of the humanities in directly addressing the ethical and political concerns of our time and taught us to pay heed to what was omitted from narratives, to the strain “between what is represented and what isn’t represented, between the articulate and the silent.”

Without quite succeeding, “Places of Mind” aims to capture the thick Rolodex of names that steered Said as he developed those insights. In a chapter of “After the Last Sky,” Mohr included a portrait of an elderly Palestinian woman in a hairnet, smiling with a hand on her cheek, above the caption “Amman, 1984.” As Said noted in the accompanying text, he was taken aback when his sister reminded him that he personally knew the sitter, a Mrs. Farraj. “I do not know whether the photograph can, or does, say things as they really are,” he wistfully observed. “Something has been lost. But the representation is all we have.”

 
 

Ayten Tartici is an American Council of Learned Societies Emerging Voices postdoctoral fellow at Georgetown University.

PLACES OF MIND
A Life of Edward Said
By Timothy Brennan
Illustrated. 437 pp. Farrar, Straus & Giroux. $35.

Why can’t Britain handle the truth about Winston Churchill? P. Gopal

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/mar/17/why-cant-britain-handle-the-truth-about-winston-churchill

 

Why can’t Britain handle the truth about Winston Churchill?

 
 

Nothing, it seems, can be allowed to tarnish the national myth – as I found when hosting a Cambridge debate about his murkier side

Winston Churchill speaking at Wolverhampton football field in 1949
Winston Churchill speaking at Wolverhampton football field in 1949. Photograph: Mark Kauffman/The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
 

In a sea of fawningly reverential Churchill biographies, hardly any books seriously examine his documented racism. Nothing, it seems, can be allowed to complicate, let alone tarnish, the national myth of a flawless hero: an idol who “saved our civilisation”, as Boris Johnson claims, or “humanity as a whole”, as David Cameron did. Make an uncomfortable observation about his views on white supremacy and the likes of Piers Morgan will ask: “Why do you live in this country?

 

Not everyone is content to be told to be quiet because they would be “speaking German” if not for Churchill. Many people want to know more about the historical figures they are required to admire uncritically. The Black Lives Matter protests last June – during which the word “racist” was sprayed in red letters on Churchill’s statue in Parliament Square, were accompanied by demands for more education on race, empire and the figures whose statues dot our landscapes.

Yet providing a fuller picture is made difficult. Scholars who explore less illustrious sides of Churchill are treated dismissively. Take the example of Churchill College, Cambridge, where I am a teaching fellow. In response to calls for fuller information about its founder, the college set up a series of events on Churchill, Empire and Race. I recently chaired the second of these, a panel discussion on “The Racial Consequences of Mr Churchill”.

Even before it took place, the discussion was repeatedly denounced in the tabloids and on social media as “idiotic”, a “character assassination” aimed at “trashing” the great man. Outraged letters to the college said this was academic freedom gone too far, and that the event should be cancelled. The speakers and I, all scholars and people of colour, were subjected to vicious hate mail, racist slurs and threats. We were accused of treason and slander. One correspondent warned that my name was being forwarded to the commanding officer of an RAF base near my home.

The college is now under heavy pressure to stop doing these events. After the recent panel, the rightwing thinktank Policy Exchange, which is influential in government circles – and claims to champion free speech and controversial views on campus – published a “review” of the event. The foreword, written by Churchill’s grandson Nicholas Soames, stated that he hoped the review would “prevent such an intellectually dishonest event from being organised at Churchill College in the future – and, one might hope, elsewhere”.

 
No 10 takes relaxed view as Biden removes Churchill bust from Oval Office
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It’s ironic. We’re told by government and media that “cancel culture” is an imposition of the academic left. Yet here it is in reality, the actual “cancel culture” that prevents a truthful engagement with British history. Churchill was an admired wartime leader who recognised the threat of Hitler in time and played a pivotal role in the allied victory. It should be possible to recognise this without glossing over his less benign side. The scholars at the Cambridge event – Madhusree Mukerjee, Onyeka Nubia and Kehinde Andrews – drew attention to Churchill’s dogged advocacy of British colonial rule; his contributing role in the disastrous 1943 Bengal famine, in which millions of people died unnecessarily; his interest in eugenics; and his views, deeply retrograde even for his time, on race.

Churchill is on record as praising “Aryan stock” and insisting it was right for “a stronger race, a higher-grade race” to take the place of indigenous peoples. He reportedly did not think “black people were as capable or as efficient as white people”. In 1911, Churchill banned interracial boxing matches so white fighters would not be seen losing to black ones. He insisted that Britain and the US shared “Anglo-Saxon superiority”. He described anticolonial campaigners as “savages armed with ideas”.

Even his contemporaries found his views on race shocking. In the context of Churchill’s hard line against providing famine relief to Bengal, the colonial secretary, Leo Amery, remarked: “On the subject of India, Winston is not quite sane … I didn’t see much difference between his outlook and Hitler’s.”

Just because Hitler was a racist does not mean Churchill could not have been one. Britain entered the war, after all, because it faced an existential threat – and not primarily because it disagreed with Nazi ideology. Noting affinities between colonial and Nazi race-thinking, African and Asian leaders queried Churchill’s double standards in firmly rejecting self-determination for colonial subjects who were also fighting Hitler.

It is worth recalling that the uncritical Churchill-worship that is so dominant today was not shared by many British people in 1945, when they voted him out of office before the war was even completely over. Many working-class communities in Britain, from Dundee to south Wales, felt strong animosity towards Churchill for his willingness to mobilise military force during industrial disputes. As recently as 2010, Llanmaes community council opposed the renaming of a military base to Churchill Lines.

Critical assessment is not “character assassination”. Thanks to the groupthink of “the cult of Churchill”, the late prime minister has become a mythological figure rather than a historical one. To play down the implications of Churchill’s views on race – or suggest absurdly, as Policy Exchange does, that his racist words meant “something other than their conventional definition” – speaks to me of a profound lack of honesty and courage.

This failure of courage is tied to a wider aversion to examining the British empire truthfully, perhaps for fear of what it might say about Britain today. A necessary national conversation about Churchill and the empire he was so committed to is one necessary way to break this unacceptable silence.

 

“Women’s Day”- 8th of March: Equality, Dignity & Justice are still far ahead

Gender equality is one of the main topics I was interested in since my childhood. No prospects of any bright future for our human race on this small planet without attaining full equality between men and women at all levels: economic, social, legal, heritage, political representation, equal opportunities, choices & livelihood. Centuries of discrimination by a patriarchal structure, built on specific limited and politicized interpretations of customs, traditions, and religions pre and post BC (apart from one era where motherhood was dominant): all religions, mainly the monotheistic, and huge default representational policies that are still dominant worldwide, including Denmark,  and excluding two or three countries that insisted on 50% equal representation in politics: the majority of the UN 194 countries are still far away from the basic equality demand, covering themselves here and there by quota politics to women, which is partly positive but far from being enough. CEDAW -The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women- is a necessary international treaty that should be signed and implemented worldwide, without reservations. In this regard, special thanks to Moroccan and Tunisian women’s organizations for their remarkable achievements by adopting the “MUDAWANA”,  (short for mudawwanat al-aḥwāl al-shakhṣiyyah) which symbolizes the personal status code, or family code in law. It concerns issues related to the family, including the regulation of marriage, polygamy, divorce, inheritance, and child custody

Together with the environmental question,  and the freeing of peoples from discriminatory colonial/occupational policies,-especially in Palestine- gender question remains a priority worldwide to open the horizon for milliard of misused and suppressed histories and voices of women during millennia calling for just, equal, and full representational policies at all levels of social scala. 

(The photo above is of an international conference in Beirut with representatives from 13 different Arab and Scandinavian countries  – one out of four other conferences in Amman, Cairo & Ålborg –  I conducted when worked as a senior consultant with one of the best research centers on women and gender in the world: KVINFO (The Danish Center for Research on Women and Gender).  

A comment on “Empire, Colony & Genocide”, el-Araqeeb village & Macron’s apology to Ali Boumendjel’s grandsons

19 chapters of the book are covering a series of articles that extend from Old Empires as the Roman to the newly Empires of our era, analyzing the relationship between these three concepts (Empire, Colony, Genocide), and the interrelationship that bound them together, although seen sometimes differently in the context of each empire and its way to colonize, eliminate and /or assimilate the indigenous populations they occupy. Genocide was embedded in the structural form of the colonization process, whether the empires acknowledge it or not. Frances modern day of Macron tries to approach the issue without daring to fully investigate the colonial past. Macrom apologizes to the grandsons of (Ali Boumendjel) for the assassination of their grandfather, after 64 years of independence. The official report said he killed himself in prison. The chief of intelligence services admitted in 2000 that he ordered one of his soldiers to kill Ali in prison and wrote a report that he committed suicide,,,,, 15 million Algerians perished in the 132 years of colonization. They demand at least recognition from the earlier colonial power. The definition of cultural genocide was discussed at length, although not mentioned in the UN charter on defining genocide. Interesting contribution from experts on this domain. Nevertheless, and apart from one article by Lorenzo Veracini; Colonialism and Genocide- Notes for the analysis of a settler archive (pp 148-161). The same pattern that was employed in other colonies is applied as well in Palestine, as the article demonstrates. Anyway, there is a lack of a wholeness approach to the systematic uprooting and expropriating of the land of indigenous Palestinians, confiscation of their heritage, land,  libraries, properties, and hundreds of villages¨disappearance and the continuation until recent days of demolition of an el-Araqeeb village (see the photo of them above) in Naqab, for the 180th time until now, in 2021; and the insistence of its population to rebuild it again, a clear example of an ethnic and extirpation process that never stopped since the Nakba- 73 years ago.  Not a word of apology to Palestinians.

(NB) The International Criminal Court (ICC) will start investigating crimes committed in parts of occupied Palestine after five years of waiting. Coming late, for the sake of justice, is better than not coming at all.        

A comment on another book of Yu Hua: “Brothers”

A new world and a new interpretation and understanding of China and its own heritage and how it went through the cultural revolution, civil war, and post-Mao era, through the relationship of people together, and how its slogans and big titles were miss used to control and abuse other private domains. No comment can compensate for reading the novel that is full of fantasy, fun, cruelty, black humor, and passion through the two brothers of the novel.   

A Farewell to the Poet of the Uprooted”Mureed Barghouthi”

I invited him to our refugee camp, al-Jaleel camp, half a century ago, to read a few of his poems. Met him again twice in Copenhagen: once when he was invited by the Danish writer’s association to comment his book: “I saw Ramallah”, and another to read a poem about Mahmoud Darweesh’s departure. Uprooting from his own town near Ramallah in “East Palestine” and not “West Bank” as he wrote, and roaming between three continents and living in 44 different places, was the bedrock of his vision towards himself and his Palestine. A friend of Naji al-Ali, Gassan Kanafani, Mahmoud Darweesh & Edward Saeed; the husband of the writer and critic Radwa Ashour, and the father of the poet Tameem left us only physically. A man who lived fully the dreams of his past as permanent facts, who tried to revolutionize the words of the language as a necessary step to reach the real revolution, the revolutionary who stood against the “System” & and the illusionary achievements of freedom, left the agonies of Exile & its burden to rest in peace, away from his beloved town. We were lucky among the Refugees to visit our demolished homes and reflect on our visits, whether Lubya (for me) or Deir Ghassana (for Marwaan), or Jerusalem ( for Edward Saeed); Palestine the  idea  will survive and flourish, although the whole land is still occupied. Poets, writers, musicians and artists are the soul of the people’s collective & personal identity and heritage that would never disappear.

A comment on Joe Brainard’s Poem: “I Remember” (Jeg Kan Huske)

Joe Brainard – 1942-1994
 
“When I stop and think about what it’s all about I do come up with some answers, but they don’t help very much. I think it is safe to say that life is pretty mysterious. And hard.

 

Life is short. I know that much. That life is short. And that it’s important to keep reminding oneself of it. That life is short. Just because it is. I suspect that each of us is going to wake up some morning to suddenly find ourselves old men (or women) without knowing how we got that way. Wondering where it all went. Regretting all the things we didn’t do. So I think that the sooner we realize that life is short the better off we are”.

The above citation is a resume’ of a wonderful 1500 paragraphs & sentences that start with the clause “I remember”-“Jeg kan Huske”. A brave and daring attempt to look inward and backward to memories, fantasies, and daily experiences that every one of us faces- whether we dare to confront or not, that is another question. But Joe defied us, challenged us, and mostly he was himself. Alas: too early to die as with all young poets and artists.

Newly Documents revealed by Adam Ratz on 1948 Nakba: How prisonning of thousand civilian Palestinians in “Cages”

Oral interviews are a main source for what happened in 1948 and after, even after 73 years of al-Nakba – One of those prisoners was my father.  Ratz’s revelation is interesting, although Palestinians tried for decades to tell their story, but without international success. Mustafa Kabha & Wadee’ Awawda documented in a book in 2013, through 100 interviews with those imprisoned & how their daily lives went through in the ten camps in Mandate Palestine -for three months to one year and a half- away from their homes that were expropriated. Sheik Sami Abi-Shahada was obliged to burn 70 civilians who were hiding in al-Lid mosque-all shot dead there. These prisons were called “Cages”, to avoid using the word Ghettoes…..  . One of those prisoners was my father from the era of the 1936 revolution, when the British-who paved the way for Nakba since Balfour- were there.   

 

The Guardian’s & B’Tselem’s two articles on Apartheid

 All 13.5 million Palestinians whether inside 1948 borders, West Bankers, Jerusalemites,  Refugees inside or outside Mandate Palestine — all learn these discriminatory words by birth; it is the beginning of knowledge before learning the  Alef- Ba- Ta / the ABC alphabets.

The Guardian’s editorial &B’Tselem executive director’s article :

  1.  https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/jan/17/the-guardian-view-on-israel-and-apartheid-prophecy-or-description 

2.https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/jan/12/israel-largest-human-rights-group-apartheid

 

A comment on Yu Hua book: China in Ten Words- “People”, “Leader”, “Reading”, “Writing”, “Lu Xun”, “Revolution”, “Disparity”, “Grassroots”, “Copycat”, and “Bamboozle”

Although I was hugely influenced, while young, with Mao Zedong writings and revolutionary red books, and visiting China a few years ago to see with my eyes, Mao Zedong and his Achievements; nevertheless, with Yu book, written in 2011, and a critical view from within to all the huge episodes of modern China, from 1948 until nowadays,:  including The Great Leap Forward, to the Cultural Revolution, I can say that I was so naive with my youthful imagination to believe in ideas that are totally undermined by the critical Yu, and the funny style he used to describe and analyze what happened then and now, Only reading the whole book would pay off. For more clarification:

  • China in Ten Words (2011) In a collection of ten essays, titled after a word he has deemed representative of the culture and politics of modern China, Yu Hua describes a “morally compromised nation” The ten words are “People”, “Leader”, “Reading”, “Writing”, “Lu Xun”, “Revolution”, “Disparity”, “Grassroots”, “Copycat”, and “Bamboozle”. Using these words, Yu Hua conducts a recollection of historical and cultural events that have made China what it is today, intermixed with autobiographical accounts of growing up during the Cultural Revolution. Each essay explains why the titular term is particular in order to further understand a controversial China. Yu Hua states that this work is “to bring together observation, analysis, and personal anecdote” for a critique of contemporary China.”

70th Birthday

70 years, seven decades, passed away, and more hopeful years are still ahead, even though biological and physical viruses are speedy spreading. But the will and strength would never wane until humanity achieved its ultimate goals of equal opportunities, equal rights among genders, and equal justice to all, especially for the occupied people, refugees worldwide, notably the more than six million uprooted Palestinians. We lost a score of lovely friends last year, and many of whom we never met, but shared with us the limited space of our small mother earth planet. Together, whether in Africa, Asia, Latin America, or elsewhere and with a solid will of optimism, we will defeat all the viruses, whether inward or outward, political or biological.

A comment on “The Angel’s Game” of Carlos Zafon….

 

Carlos Ruiz Zafón introduced our imagination and deep insights into a world of fantasy that is difficult to fathom in his fantastic trilogy of “The Game of Angels” (Englens spil). David Martin drove us, through a mystical wild world that is so complex, multilayers and adventurous, into the tunnels of the underworld of Barcelona’s books’ graveyard in the 20’s and 30’s ending up with Franco’s new era of the Spanish civil war. Whether Carlos is part of the young writer Martin or the way around, is difficult to perceive; especially that Carlos left us so early when he is topping the fictional world of Imagination and fantasy.     

A comment on an article:”1965 Today: Living with the Indonesian Massacres”……..

An interesting article about the massacres of 1965 in Indonesia, written by three researchers- names are in the article-  on the genocide that costs more than one million people- others estimate up to 3 million people – and the role of Oral History & witnesses’ confessions

NB  Although many other well-known massacres are named in the last century, not a word was mentioned about the massacres of Palestinians in 1948 and the continued denial and silence by the perpetrators and authorities of the facts of uprooting two-thirds of Palestinian people and a series of well-planned massacres, exceeding seventy. Is it intentional or a passing mistake? I tend to believe the first hypothesis. Nevertheless, it is an interesting article that shows the power of Oral Interviews and Eyewitness’s Accounts, against the  denial of the authorities in power:

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14623528.2017.1393931

A comment on Adam Raz’s new book documenting Palestinian Properties Theft in 1948-

After 72 years, a  new book by historian Adam Raz, based on Hebrew documents,  chronicled in details, with photos as well, the huge theft of properties of Palestinians from Tiberias in the north, to Haifa, al-Quds, and Ashdod in the south. All Palestinians new about these facts; but now with assertion form leaders of the state such as Ben Gurion, Golda Meir, and a series of others who were involved or witnessed the theft process such as Yusef Nahmani and Nahum Abbo, who was the leader of the brigade that occupied Lubya.

Articles in Arabic: (al-Quds) and English: (Haaretz) :

 

“Jewish soldiers and Civilians Looted Arab Neighbors’ Property en Masse in ’48. The Authorities Turned a Blind Eye”

“Refrigerators and caviar, champagne and carpets – a first-ever comprehensive study by historian Adam Raz reveals the extent to which Jews looted Arab property during the War of Independence, and explains why Ben-Gurion stated: ‘Most of the Jews are thieves’” 

Citation above is from Ofer Aderet’s article in  Haaretz 3.10.2020

اعترافات إسرائيلية موثقة عن أكبر عملية سطو مسلح في التاريخ: “اليهود سرقوا الرخيص قبل النفيس”- )

 

اعترافات إسرائيلية موثقة عن أكبر عملية سطو مسلح في التاريخ: “اليهود سرقوا الرخيص قبل النفيس”- (صور)

وديع عواودة

 22
 حجم الخط

 

الناصرة- “القدس العربي”:

كشفت صحيفة “هآرتس” العبرية بعض ماء جاء في كتاب إسرائيلي جديد يرصد جرائم السلب والنهب لكل الممتلكات المتنقلة في فلسطين خلال وعقب نكبة 1948، ويروي مشاهد أكبر سطو مسلح في التاريخ ويقدم اعترافات تاريخية عن الفضيحة المثيرة للخجل التي تعكس “حضيضا أخلاقيا”.

الكتاب الجديد الصادر عن دار النشر “كرميل” لآدم راز الذي يقول إن الكتاب عبارة دراسة واسعة وتكشف مقدار السلب والنهب للممتلكات الفلسطينية من قبل الإسرائيليين في نكبة 1948.

راز الذي  يتجاهل سرقة الوطن أولا قبل سرقة محتويات منازل وحوانيت أصحابه، يقدم وثيقة تاريخية هامة كونها من نوعية “وشهد شاهد من أهله”. على سبيل المثال يشير راز لما اعتبر رئيس حكومة الاحتلال الأول دافيد بن غوريون أن معظم اليهود لصوص.

وتستند دراسة المؤرخ الإسرائيلي آدم راز على وثائق من عشرات الأرشيفات ومقاطع من الصحف العبرية، وهو يؤكد أن الحديث عن حدث فريد ما زالت تبعاته وآثاره مستمرة حتى اليوم.

ومن ضمن مشاهد السلب، قيام إسرائيليين بسرقة خزانة من خشب المهغون في حيفا تم تحويلها لاحقا لقن دجاج. وفي وثيقة أخرى يتحدث آخرون عن سرقة أدوات منزلية وحلي وتكشف عن سرقة عشرة آلاف علبة “كافيار” من أحد مخازن حيفا.

اعترافات بن غوريون

ويستذكر المؤرخ راز ما قاله بن غوريون في 24 يوليو/تموز 1948 عن الإسرائيليين ويشكل دليلا قاطعا على أكبر عملية سطو مسلح ربما في التاريخ، وذلك في وثيقة داخل أرشيف حزب “العمل” توثق إحدى جلسات حزب “مباي”.

متجاهلا طبيعة الصهيونية التي سلبت وطن الفلسطينيين، يشير بن غوريون لقيام الإسرائيليين بسلب الفلسطينيين دون ذكرهم بالاسم: “اتضح لي أن معظم اليهود هم لصوص، وأنا أقول ذلك ببساطة وعن قصد لأن هذه هي الحقيقة للأسف. رجالنا في مرج بن عامر رواد المستوطنين آباء الجنود في الهغاناه شاركوا كافتهم في السلب والنهب. هذه ظاهرة مرعبة لأنها تكشف عن خلل أساسي. من أين جاء السلب والنهب؟ لماذا يسرق أبناء البلاد وبناتها ورواد استيطانها؟ ما الذي حدث لهم؟”.

 

من طبريا إلى بئر السبع

يقول مراسل الشؤون التاريخية في صحيفة “هآرتس” عوفر أديرت، إن المؤرخ آدم راز عثر على هذه الوثيقة النادرة ضمن دراسته الجديدة الصادرة في كتاب بعنوان  سلب الممتلكات العربية في حرب الاستقلال” منوها أن عملية جمع أعمال السلب في فلسطين من طبريا إلى بئر السبع ومن يافا إلى القدس عبر سرقة المساجد والكنائس والقرى المنتشرة بطول وعرض البلاد في كتاب واحد مسألة حساسة وصعبة”.

ويؤكد راز  في حديث لـ”هآرتس” على غرار بن غوريون، أن أوساطا واسعة من الإسرائيليين جنودا ومدنيين شاركوا في عمليات السلب والنهب التي انتشرت كالنار في الهشيم لدى اليهود. موضحا أن السلب والنهب طال عشرات آلاف المنازل والحوانيت والأجهزة والمصانع والمنتوجات الزراعية وغيرها.

 

أوساط واسعة من الإسرائيليين جنود ومدنيون شاركوا في عمليات السلب والنهب التي انتشرت كالنار في الهشيم لدى اليهود

 

وفي واحد من فصول الكتاب يتحدث راز عن سرقة البيانوهات والكتب والملابس والحلي والموائد والأجهزة الكهربائية والمراكب، تاركا سرقة أراضي نحو 800 ألف لاجئ لدراسات أخرى، مركزا في الأملاك المتنقلة فقط.

لكن بن غوريون ليس وحيدا، فالمؤرخ يقتبس قادة إسرائيليين آخرين. فيشير مثلا لما قاله يتسحاق بن تسفي، الرئيس الثاني لإسرائيل. ويستدل من أقول بن تسفي أن “يهودا نزيهين” قد شاركوا في السلب الذي اعتبروه عملا طبيعيا مباحا.

في رسالة لبن غوريون يقول بن تسفي: “ما يجري في القدس يشكل مساً بكرامة اليهود وبالقوى المحاربة. لا يمكن السكوت على السلب المنظم من قبل مجموعات غير منظمة وأفراد غير منظمين. ما يفعله اللصوص في الأحياء الفلسطينية الغربية في القدس هو كفعل الجراد في الحقول”.

يشار إلى أن ما تعرضت له منازل، قصور وممتلكات الفلسطينيين في الأحياء الفاخرة في الشطر الغربي في القدس، القطمون والبقعة والطالبية والمصرارة وغيرها، كانت مروعة وتم توثيق بعضها في عدة دراسات منها إسرائيلية أيضا.

 

لصوص يأكلون كل شيء كالجراد

وحسب “هآرتس” يتضمن الكتاب اعترافات جنود إسرائيليين. وقد عثر راز في أرشيف “ياد طبينكين” على وثيقة تشمل شهادة حاييم كريمر، وهو ضابط صهيوني تم إرساله إلى طبريا لوقف أعمال السلب وفيها يقول: ” داهم اليهود في طبريا بيوت الفلسطينيين بعد مغادرتهم كالجراد، فاضطررنا لاستخدام الهراوات لإبعادهم”.

وطبعا كان الهدف منع محاولة السلب، هو قيام الدولة الجديدة بذلك ولصالحها بدلا من الأفراد وهذا ما يغفله راز. كما يقتبس راز من دفتر يوميات يوسف نحماني، يهودي من طبريا، أول مدينة فلسطينية تسقط في النكبة وهو من مؤسسي تنظيم “هشومير” الصهيوني، وفيه يقول: “في 1948 انقض عدد كبير من اليهود على بيوت العرب ومحالهم التجارية.. مجموعات كثيرة كل مجموعة فيها عشرات الأشخاص. ووقف رجال الشرطة عاجزين عن منع ذلك، وحتى من تم ضبطه فُرض عليه حكم مخفف”.

وهذا ما يؤكده نحوم عبو، قائد القوات اليهودية في طبريا القديمة من جهة “الهغاناه” في كتاب مذكراته. فيصف كيف حاول جنود إسرائيليون منع عمليات السلب، لكن جماهير اليهود هاجمت طيلة اليوم حواجز الشرطة كي يقوموا بالسلب والنهب.

 

فعلنا بالفلسطينيين ما فعله النازيون بنا

يكشف راز عن وجود مسابقات بين أقسام مختلفة في “الهغاناه” ممن وصلوا في سيارات وزوارق وحملوا كل ما وجدوه في منازل الفلسطينيين في طبريا: ثلاجات وأسرّة وغيرها. وعن ذلك يقول كريمر: “تركت هذه المشاهد مفعولا سلبيا جدا في داخلي، فهذه ظاهرة بشعة وتلطخ رايتنا وقد تعرض نضالنا للأذى أخلاقيا.. هذه فضيحة مثيرة للخجل وحضيض أخلاقي”.

وعن صورة المدينة المجاورة للبحيرة الساحرة يتابع عبو في مذكراته: “في ليلة وضحاها، تحولت مدينة طبريا إلى مدينة أشباح مسلوبة، أبواب حوانيتها مشرعة وبيوتها خاوية خالية من سكانها، وكان مشهد الأشخاص الذين ينبشون في أكوام الأغراض المتبقية بعد السلب الكبير مشهدا مخجلا، وشاهدت في كل مكان مشاهد مذلّة وفي داخلي فكرت كيف صار ذلك، وكان يحظر أن يحدث ذلك”.

أما ناتيفا بن يهودا، التي شاركت في احتلال طبريا ضمن القوات الضاربة لـ”الهغاناه” (البلماح)  فقد وصفت مأساة طبريا عام 1948 بقول أوضح وحاد: “هذه المشاهد كانت معروفة لنا. كيف فعلوا بنا ذلك خلال الكارثة طيلة الحرب العالمية الثانية” كيف نفعل بغيرنا ما فعله النازيون بنا؟”.

 

أيدينا ترتجف

ناتيفا بن يهودا التي فضحت في شهادة سابقة مجزرة قرية عين الزيتون قضاء صفد، تتابع قولها: “في طبريا، حملنا كل شيء في سيارة وكانت أيدينا ترتجف. لم يكن هذا محترما. حتى الآن وأنا أكتب هذه الشهادة ترتجف أصابعي”.

 

ناتيفا بن يهودا : “في طبريا، حملنا كل شيء في سيارة وكانت أيدينا ترتجف. لم يكن هذا محترما. حتى الآن وأنا أكتب هذه الشهادة ترتجف أصابعي

 

ويوضح راز أن ما شاهده في طبريا فور احتلالها في أبريل/ نيسان 1948 كان إشارة مبكرة لما تشهده بقية المدن الفلسطينية لاحقا. ولفت إلى أنه لم يعثر في دراسته على معطيات رسمية حول حجم السلب وقيمته المالية، ولكن هذا ما شهدته كل واحدة من المدن وبمقادير كبيرة”.

وفعلا تكررت مشاهد السلب والنهب في المدينة الثانية التي تسقط بيد الصهيونية “حيفا”. فقد كان الجنود يحتلون بيدٍ واحدة، وفي اليد الأخرى يسرقون الكثير. ومن ضمن السرقات ماكنات خياطة، ماكنات حفر، أدوات موسيقة كالبيتفون والثياب وغيرها كما يؤكد الجندي زئيف يتسحاقي في شهادته عن مشاركته في القتال في حي الحليصة في “عروس الكرمل” التي استبيحت في النكبة.

وتقول شهادة أخرى لتسادوق إيشب – جندي آخر في وحدة “كرميل” عن ذلك: “سادت حالة من الفوضى وتمت سرقة منازل وحوانيت  من صاروا لاجئين وكان مشهد الجموع المتحمسة للسرقة صادما”.

 

دمية وسرير أطفال في ساحة البيت

في مذكراته كتب يوسف نحماني فور زيارته حيفا بعد احتلالها: “شارك الإسرائيليون في السرقة رجالا ونساء شيبا وشبانا، متدينون وعلمانيون. ولم يبادر أحد لمنع ذلك، وقد استبدّ بي الخجل وراودتني رغبة بأن أبصق نحوهم وأغادر المدينة. هذا سيمسّ بنا ويعود علينا كيدا مرتدا في تربية الأبناء والشبيبة، فالأشخاص فقدوا كل إحساس بالخجل، وأفعالهم هذه تضرب الأسس الأخلاقية للمجتمع”.

ويقول كرميلي في شهادته عن حيفا: “البيوت الفلسطينية في حيفا منهوبة وأبوابها مفتوحة ومحطمة على جانبي كل شارع، وعلى الأرصفة كانوا يجمعون ما يفرغونه من المنازل. في ساحة أحد المنازل شاهدت سرير طفل مقلوبا على جانبه وبجواره دمية ملقاة أرضا على وجهها. أين أصبحت الطفلة صاحبة السرير؟ في أي مخيم لاجئين هي اليوم؟”.

 

كرميلي: في ساحة أحد المنازل شاهدت سرير طفل مقلوبا على جانبه وبجواره دمية ملقاة أرضا على وجهها. أين أصبحت الطفلة صاحبة السرير؟ في أي مخيم لاجئين هي اليوم؟”.

 

وتشير “هآرتس” إلى أن عدة جهات أنذرت ونبهت من أعمال السلب والنهب، منها الحزب الشيوعي. وتطرق بن غوريون لذلك في مذكراته بعد احتلال حيفا: “السلب والنهب بيد رجال الهغاناه والإيتسل واسع في حي وادي النسناس”.

أما غولدا مئير، فقالت في واحدة من جلسات الوكالة اليهودية وقتها: “في الأيام الأولى من الاحتلال كانت الحالة في المناطق المحتلة قاسية، خاصة في المواقع التي كانت بيد الإيتسل، إذ لم يبق خيط واحد في البيت. كنت شاهدة على عمليات سلب ونهب نفّذها يهود”.

سرقة الرخيص قبل النفيس

وتشير “هآرتس” إلى أن بعض الصحف العبرية قد نشرت عن تلك الظاهرة ومنها “هآرتس” ذاتها التي نشرت في نهاية 1948 مقالا بقلم آرييه نيشر، مراسلها في حيفا، الذي استخدم كلمات قاسية في وصف ما جرى: “يبدو أن بني إسرائيل تعلموا هذه المهنة، السرقة، وعلى الأصول كما هو مألوف لدى اليهود، ومنذ الآن يسود في هذا المجال العمل العبري، وقد شاركت في السرقة كل الفئات غربيون وشرقيون، متسائلا أين الشرطة؟”.

وكذلك صحيفة “معاريف” تطرقت للظاهرة مستخدمة لهجة عنصرية استعلائية مبطنة كما في “هآرتس” بقولها: “تجولت في القدس الغربية في يوليو /تموز 1948 ولابد من استحضار القضاة ورجال الشرطة فقد صرنا ككل الأغيار. على طول الطريق لا يوجد بيت أو حانوت في الأحياء الفلسطينية لم يتعرض للسلب ولسرقة كل شيء الرخيص قبل النفيس. مشاهد  الركام والخراب يتنقل بينها إسرائيليون للاستمتاع بالفوضى تترك أثرا صادما”.

في كتابهما الصادر عن مؤسسة الدراسات الفلسطينية في بيروت عام 2013 “أسرى بلا جراب” كشف المؤرخ مصطفى كبها والاتب الصحافي وديع عواودة، أن الكثير من البيوت والمحال الفلسطينية قد نُهبت من قبل إسرائيليين بواسطة سجناء فلسطينيين اعتًبروا “أسرى” وأُجبروا تحت تهديد السلاح على تفريغ المقدرات والأغراض من منازل يافا وحيفا وأسدود وعسقلان والقدس وغيرها من المدن، وفي شهادته قال الشيخ محمد البطراوي من أسدود، إن “الجنود الإسرائيليين أخذوه من معتقله في الرملة إلى مدينته المحتلة أسدود وشاء القدر أن يدفعوه ليقوم بتفريغ بيت عائلته”.

ونوه البطراوي في شهادته أنه فعل ذلك بقلب ثقيل ولم تكن له خيارات أخرى، لكنه انكسر وتوقف عن ذلك عندما عثر على ألبوم صور عائلته.

ews/.premium.highlight.MAGAZINE-jews-looted-arab-property-en-masse-in-48-the-authorities-let-them-1.9201926

Haganah soldiers with property looted from Arabs after the takeover of Haifa, April 1948.

A comment on “No Friend but the Mountains”, Behrouz Boochani……..

“No friend but the mountains”, is a book that every human, if we want to remain human in an un-human world, needs to read. The word “Kurdistan” means a lot in itself, exactly as the “Palestine”. Only people with experience can give meaning to these neutral words. Behrouz’ experience for six years in an inferno prison in #Manus Island under the control of Australien Police, is a huge cry against a complicated hierarchy system Behrouz called: Kyriarchy (a term used by Feminist Elisabeth Schussler Fiorenza)- Kyriarchi involves: stigmatization, racism, economic discrimination, religious suppression, indigenous people’s killing, xenophobia, militarism, class violence, control….and you can add more to the list of inhuman experiences. 

When one reads books from or on prisons: J.C.Coetzey, Imre Kertesz, Nelson Mandela, Richard Flanagan, Gramschi, Foucault or Kafka, Camus, Dostoevsky, Solzhenitsyn and Becket, one thinks that all sufferings and pain are there. That is enough. But no. That is not enough. Behrouz adds something special, extra, more depth to the horrors and humiliations that a man could face: inferno without a bottom.

Against all this complicated and multi-layer hierarchical system -Kyriarchy, Behrouz used his own words to defeat the strength of the power of those who imprisoned him. Though poetry, legends, love to his mother, and memory of her songs while he was a child; through his research and help from close friends outside the prison, through hundreds of SMS es and WhatsApp, he succeeded to write this monumental book of 400 pages, receiving prizes and refugee status from Newzeland government, arriving there last year in 2019,  in the same time where this criminal monster shout dead 51 Muslim persons in two mosques, to keep white race dominant and prevent Muslims becoming a majority, as he claimed….The same discourse is heard her and elsewhere in nowadays Europe and the States. Behrouz’s Will to continue struggling to uncover the sufferings of those humans awaiting for refugee status in their “concentration” camps, whether in Denmark, Australia, Italy or elsewhere, should be maintained until dignity and justice are achieved for all refugees worldwide; whether Kurds, Syrians, Rohingyas or Palestinians.  

Zulay Magazieva & her book “Det Tabte Tjetjenien”-The Lost Chechnya—-

In 81 chapters, 200 Pages, Zulay told the horrible and tragic story of a small republic, Chechen, that tried to be independent in the nineties but drastically failed. Chechen people were known for centuries for their special identity and culture. people who were denied living peacefully for centuries, under tzars and under communist repression, especially Stalin …seven hundred to one million people are the approx. numbers of this tiny republic. Proud People of the mountains who refuse to be controlled by any foreign power as Alexander Solzhenitsyn wrote. No one can tell the story of their people other than people themselves. Zulay, a brave journalist has total credibility when she reflects on shootings, kidnappings, torture, springing bodies in the air, dropping live bodies from helicopters…etc: all that one could imagine about what happened during the war and its tremendous unforgettable results, especially among those who directly was witness to the drama, is found between the two covers of Zulay’s book. Without this brave honest and decent account, part of our modern history will be missed forever. Eyewitnesses and direct testimonies are the fountains for credible and authentic resources, much more than the accounts told be victors, who mostly falsify their archival accounts to match their version of the story.     

The “White Whale” of Herman Melville’s (Moby Dick) & me in Greenland

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

28 July 2018

Friends

Friends

Whales & Icebergs in Wonderful Greenland today

 

 
 
 

Algeria: Is it possible to reconcile colonized and colonizers’ memory?……..

Benjamin Stora , A French Historian,  and Abd alMajeed Shaikhi,,,, Director of Algerian national archives and councilor to the Algerian President, were both named by French President Macron and Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, to reinvestigate or revisit the memory of the colonial era in Alger 1830-1961 in order to settle the different views that are still in conflict with each other.  

Also,  there are 181 signatories of British historians who wrote recently a protest letter to authorities about historical information in a pamphlet required for all applicants for British citizenship. According to these historians, the government document is misleading applicants about several aspects of British history when they claim the UK’s role in the international slave trade is downplayed (NB: more than three million people were shipped by British merchants to be sold as slaves). The pamphlet mentioned nothing, in plus, about that numbers and the suffering of the slaves in an attempt to clean their colonial past and its slavery history.  The end of the British Empire, according to historians, is described as “mostly peaceful” when it was not. The letter calls for the history chapter of the pamphlet to be re-written urgently. “Decolonisation was not an ‘orderly’ but an often violent process,” the historians argue.

Is it possible in the end to reconcile the irreconcilable discourse between the colonizer and the colonized? Can the two countries after decades of the Algerian liberation war reach a common ground of real identification of the horrors of colonialism and its devastating results on the colonized? Would that be followed by a clear apology and reparation of the damages that took place? I doubt. The French president apology in 2018 to Josette Audin, the widow of Maurice Audin, a French mathematician and anti-colonial activist who died in 1957 under torture of the police, while the official story denied that, is absolutely not enough, although a tiny symbolic recognition of official use of torture against prisoners. 

History was written only by the victors. The indigenous people need to write, first and foremost, their own history, so as to meet the adversary on an equal footing…whether those are Blacks, Colonized Africans, Kurds, Armenians….. or still under the longest occupation in modern history as Palestinians. South Africa, post the Apartied era, gave a good example of a possible reconciliation after the principle of one man one vote won the battle.  

Memory is a battlefield that could never be won by weapons, however, these weapons are strong. George Floyd’s spirit has done to history more than thousands of classical historians- to recorrecting our vision of history, the history that is written only by the victors, to empower them and to legitimize their authorities. History, to the masses who demonstrate on all the streets and squares of the world continents nowadays, becomes a self-conscience domain and a tool, a new methodology to redefine the past and the present – by revisiting the huge printed volumes,  the prominent white personalities, the claimed heroes and the hundreds of colonial statues, adored by “national citizens” for centuries- and reevaluate this huge heritage from their own perspective and vision. Only this vision can integrate the past with the present, and open a promising future to our coming generations.   

 

 

Amazon’s new offers of book: “Lubya, a Palestinian Village in Galilee-An Unforgettable Symphony” in 8 different languages….

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…Comment on Janet Abu-Lughod: “Before European Hegemony- 1250-1350″…

 

 

The urban sociologist Janet Abu-Lughod ( the mother of the Palestinian American anthropologist Lila Abu-Lughod who wrote -Veiled Sentiments: Honor and Poetry in a Bedouin Society ,2000)- in her marvelous book:  Janet Abu-Lughod. 1989. “Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250-1350” demonstrates and deconstructs the classical ideas of the western civilization’s concept of its centrality to civilization. especially when she researched the history of Cairo city in 1001(Janet Abu-Lughod. 1971. “Cairo: 1001 years of the City Victorious),and other cities as Baghdad and Damascus….. 

The main idea of Janet is to undermine the egocentric/Eurocentric concept (Eurocentrism as the term for an ideology was coined by Samir Amin in the 1970s) that is built around the globality of the world that is long-established before the industrial Europan revolution, and long before the renaissance; especially when we study the east and mainly china’s culture: an intro to Janet theory:   

Interview with her daughter: Lila Abu Lughod on her research on women in Upper Egypt and other articles and books of her research_

https://americanethnologist.org/features/interviews/lila-abu-lughod-interview

“Deepest Regrets” from Belgian king to Congo’s President-But neither reparation nor compensation

On the 60th anniversary of Congo’s independence, Belgian king, Philippe expresses his “deepest regrets” to the president of Congo. Between 10 and 15 million have died as a direct result of the horrors of the king and his colonial rule. Just last month the brother of the king defended Leopold 11, said that he did not visit Congo even once-thus unresponsible for the crimes committed there. Neither reparation nor compensation was mentioned in the King’s letter.

Nowadays, after72 years of Palestine’s colonization and uprooting of 2/3 of the Palestinians from their own homes and lands in 1948, one word of regret or sorry from authorities was not heard yet; the opposite is taking place: the continued confiscation of 30% of the remaining small archipelago Islands of what remained of historical Palestine, enlisted to start today- in what is known as “The Century’s Deal”. Colonial powers, past and present, never learn lessons from history – They change their tactics, but their main goal remains Control, Confiscations, Subjugation and  Denial of the horrors they inflicted on the Aboriginals, Natives, and the Indigenous populations of the colonized people-thus refusing to repay back part of the debt they owed to the colonized peoples. Although partially appreciated after 135 years in complete silence,  it is only a lip service from Belgian king Philippe that felt short of clear Apology, followed by Reparation and Compensation. Justice should prevail for all colonized, whether past or present.     

Lubya’s Massacre in 1939-among others- Ofer Aderet-Haaretz 13.6.2020

(Although I mentioned this piece of info in Lubya book for two decades ago, but it is interesting to be mentioned in this article on Haganah’s 100th anniversary:

Assassinations, Terror Attacks and Even Castration – the Hidden Actions of Israel’s Pre-state Militia

This month marks the 100th anniversary of the formation of the forerunner of the Israeli army. While the Haganah boasts of its heroic acts and looks down on similar right-wing groups, its history also includes dark operations it would prefer not to mention

the Semiramis Hotel bombing in Jerusalem’s Katamon neighborhood by the Haganah’s Moriah battalion, January 1948.
The Semiramis Hotel bombing in Jerusalem’s Katamon neighborhood by the Haganah’s Moriah battalion, January 1948.

“The memory of what was done in Lubya, like the memory of all the other abominable acts that preceded it, will forever disgrace its destructive perpetrators.”

 

These scathing words were published in the Labor movement daily Davar 81 years ago. A few weeks earlier, in the summer of 1939, members of the Haganah – the underground, pre-independence army of Mandatory Palestine’s Jews, founded by the movement’s members – had murdered two men and a woman, and injured a young girl and a toddler. All of them were innocent Arabs from the village of Lubya in the Lower Galilee, shot dead at home in the dead of night.

 
 

The murders, described as a revenge attack for the killing of a Jew by villagers in Lubya, was carried out by members of the Haganah’s special ops unit. Each man who took part in the mission has a place of honor in the local history books: The most senior was Yigal Allon, who later headed the Palmach (the Haganah’s elite strike force), and became an Israel Defense Forces general and education and foreign minister.

 

The operation’s organizer was Nahum Shadmi, a senior Haganah member and a future IDF colonel and president of a military appeals tribunal, as well as a Mapai Party activist (Mapai was the forerunner of the Labor Party). His son Issachar was commander of the Border Police brigade whose members committed the 1956 massacre in the Arab town of Kafr Qasem.

 
 
 

This month marks the centenary since the founding of the Haganah. Its pre-1948 actions included assisting with illegal Jewish migration to British Mandatory Palestine; covert overnight construction of new settlements (the “Tower and Stockade” operations); dispatching operatives – such as Hannah Szenes – into Nazi-occupied Europe or commandos to Vichy-controlled Lebanon; as well as other heroic feats that have become part of this country’s legacy.

 

But there is another aspect to the Haganah that will not feature prominently in the centenary celebrations, and which is not well known to the public or part of the high school curriculum. This aspect has been excluded from museums, parades, and the official and state-sanctioned history books. It shows that the hallowed “purity of arms” concept was interpreted very loosely by the organization that gave birth to the IDF.

 

The bombing of the British ship Patria on November 25, 1940.
The bombing of the British ship Patria on November 25, 1940.

“Now, after 100 years, it’s time to talk about these chapters as well,” says Peleg Levy, a documentarian who has interviewed hundreds of veterans over the last decade – including members of right-wing and left-wing underground organizations – as part of a project documenting Israel’s history. They told him about assassinations, reprisals and terror attacks attributed to the Haganah. Among the wider public, such operations are normally only associated with the right-wing Irgun and Lehi organizations. Any mention of those names evokes the King David Hotel bombing in Jerusalem in 1946 and the Deir Yassin massacre two years later.

 

“If there’s a Lehi conference in which they don’t talk about the assassination of Folke Bernadotte [the Swedish diplomat murdered by Lehi members in 1948], people will complain. If the Irgun holds one in which they don’t talk about the King David Hotel operation, people will jump on them. So why do they allow the Haganah to write its history without talking about similar things their people perpetrated?” Levy asks.

 
 
 

Later in our conversation, he notes that the Labor movement called members of these two underground groups “terrorists,” while taking pride in the “purity” of the Haganah organization’s actions and stressing that their methods were different.

 

Despite this, the Haganah has a list of blemishes to its name, ones that former members would be only too happy to expunge from memory. They never took responsibility for most of these operations, making do with some general condemnation or blaming rogue elements in the organization. This is how the murder in Lubya was described in Davar. The paper said, without noting the identity of the perpetrators, that this act was “a horrific murder, attesting to the perpetrators’ loss of any ability to distinguish [innocents] and their lack of any human sensitivity. These shots, which killed elderly people, women and a baby, show that we are on a dark slope, sliding toward an abyss.”

 

‘Nest of killers’

 

Nine years later, in January 1948, Haganah members were involved in an operation that, over 70 years on, appears never to have been thoroughly investigated.

 

Young recruits at a Haganah training camp in the 1940s.
Young recruits at a Haganah training camp in the 1940s.Credit: From the Haganah archive

It’s unlikely that most people reading this will have heard of the Semiramis Hotel bombing in Jerusalem’s Katamon neighborhood by the Haganah’s Moriah battalion. This may be due to the fact that it occurred at the height of the War of Independence, which was marked by many violent acts. However, it’s probable that the writers of Haganah history deliberately chose to minimize any mention of this incident – as many right-wingers believe.

 
 

The blast was meant to hit the headquarters of Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni, commander of the Arab militias fighting Jewish forces in the Jerusalem area. A squad of Haganah soldiers gained entrance to the hotel’s basement and placed explosives there before detonating them. Husayni was not in the building, but dozens of Arab civilians were. The exact number of dead and injured is unknown to this day. According to one report, 26 people were killed and a further 60 injured.

 

Most of the dead were from the Christian Abu Suawan family, including women and children, as well as the Spanish vice-consul to Jerusalem, who was living in the hotel. Davar reported the incident the next day and, like before, did not provide its readers with the full picture. “The Haganah blew up Arab militia headquarters in Jerusalem,” the headline read. “This was one of the nests of killers in Jerusalem,” the paper declared.

 

Another building was blown up by the Haganah some two years earlier, in February 1946. This was part of a Palmach operation targeting British police stations across the country. Three British women and a child were killed in the explosion. “Over the years, Haganah leaders and the pre-state Jewish community accused us of being irresponsible in carrying out such attacks and yet here, Haganah members were the first to hit British women,” wrote Natan Yellin-Mor, a Lehi leader who later became a peace activist.

 

A popular song among Palmach members in those days talked about “castrating Mohammed.” This referred to an Arab from the town of Beisan – now Beit She’an – who was suspected of trying to rape a kibbutz member. Due to a rise in the number of Jewish women being raped by Arabs at the time, “the Palmach decided to retaliate according to the biblical injunction to chop off a thief’s hand – or, in this case, the organ used to commit the crime; in other words, to castrate him,” Mossad member Gamliel Cohen wrote years later, in a book describing the first undercover operations in which Jews dressed up as Arabs.

 

The official website of the Palmach describes the castration incident as one of “the exceptions, an extremely cruel one,” committed by its members in those years. This operation was initiated by Allon and carried out by Yohai Ben-Nun (a future naval commander), Amos Horev (a future IDF general and president of the Technion – Israel Institute of Technology) and Yaakov Cohen (later a member of all three intelligence agencies). “The instructions were that the castrated man should remain alive, walking around with his injuries in order to deter others,” the Palmach website explains. The team was briefed by a doctor in Afula on how to perform this “operation.”

 

Yitzhak Sadeh, left, the founder of the Palmach (the Haganah’s elite strike force), is seen in this file photo taken in 1948 next to Yigal Allon, who later headed the Palmach, and became an Israel Defense Forces general.
Yitzhak Sadeh, left, the founder of the Palmach (the Haganah’s elite strike force), is seen in this file photo taken in 1948 next to Yigal Allon, who later headed the Palmach.Credit: Teqoah

“From the perspective of the people who had decided on this, the preparations reflected the intention to implement it while applying a humane approach,” the Palmach website stresses. The three men found the suspect at home, dragged him to an open area and castrated him. “This operation had a riveting effect, resonating throughout the Beit She’an Valley and terrorizing the local Arabs,” writes Cohen in a book published by the Defense Ministry.

 

Sacrifices in the name of immigration

 

The 80th anniversary of one of the most lethal events in the history of the Zionist movement will be marked in six months’ time: the bombing of the British ship Patria on November 25, 1940 – an incident that also failed to lead to any expressions of remorse by the Haganah, even though its members were the perpetrators. The plan was to prevent the expulsion of some 2,000 illegal immigrants, who the British were deporting from Haifa to a detention camp in Mauritius. However, the damage wrought by the blast was so immense that the ship sank along with some 250 passengers.

 

Instead of relating to the affair as a tragedy that warranted the investigation of its perpetrators, the Labor movement insisted on turning it into a symbol, its victims turned into martyrs sacrificed on the altar of defending the homeland, with no note of who was actually responsible for their deaths.

 

Berl Katznelson, the ideological leader of the labor movement, wrote the next day to Shaul Avigur, one of the Haganah’s leaders: “Know that the day of the Patria sinking is for us like the day of [the 1920 fall of] Tel-Hai,” thus trying to assign to the event foundational national status. He added that the Patria operation was “the biggest Zionist action in recent times.” Yitzhak Tabenkin, among the leaders of the Kibbutz Movement, called the victims “heroic unknown soldiers.”

 

Eliyahu Golomb, the undeclared head of the Haganah, also spoke about the incident in the same vein. “For me, the day of the Patria is not a black day, nor the blackest day,” he said. “These were sacrifices made in the name of immigration, for our right to immigrate. These victims were not without meaning.”